Russian political institutions
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015012163732
Books that matter. ; Includes bibliography. ; Mode of access: Internet.
97937 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/mdp.39015012163732
Books that matter. ; Includes bibliography. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
Introduction.--The centenary of modern government.--The first century's changes in our state constitutions.--Absolute power, an American institution.--The exemption of the accused from examination in criminal proceedings.--Freedom of incorporation.--American jurisprudence.--The decadence of the legal fiction.--The recognition of habitual criminals as a class to be treated by itself.--The defence by the state of suits attacking testamentary charities.--Salaries for members of the legislature.--Permanent courts for international arbitration.--The Monroe doctrine in 1898. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: Journal of Theoretical Politics, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 301-308
Introduces a special journal issue on "Information and Political Institutions". [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]
In: Comparative political institutions
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 47, Heft 4, S. 576-601
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: American Slavic and East European Review, Band 18, Heft 2, S. 253
In: Australian journal of public administration: the journal of the Royal Institute of Public Administration Australia, Band 56, Heft 3, S. 141-142
ISSN: 0313-6647
Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.
BASE
Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.
BASE
Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.
BASE
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT
ISSN: 1741-2730
Political philosophers rarely take on the topic of political corruption, despite the fact that corruption is so costly to human wellbeing, and so clearly separates well-governed from poorly governed polities. Ceva and Ferretti's book is the most complete attempt to remedy this deficit to date. Their key contribution is to conceptualize institutions in such a way that the offices they define link clearly to public ethics. Officeholders are accountable for their power mandate, not just within a hierarchy, but ethically, because their duties serve the public purposes that justify the institution. This said, their approach works best for impartial institutions in which the public duties of offices are clear and actionable, such as professional bureaucracies. We also need an ethically driven conception of political corruption for political institutions that contain and channel political partiality, especially democratic institutions within which the ethical purposes of public legislation are argued, deliberated, and voted. Extending a public ethics account of political corruption to democratic institutions can and should be a next step in this important project.
In: Journal of Asian and African studies: JAAS, Band 44, Heft 5, S. 475-495
ISSN: 1745-2538
Institutions are essentially broadly agreed norms, rules and routines. They might have arisen out of social conflicts with strong influence of power relations, but they also face the demands of democracy. While studying NGOs as political institutions, particularly in the context of a number of developing countries, this article argues that the political context of their action is determined by their relationship with the donors and social movements. Second, NGOs promote democracy when they redefine participation in terms of their relationship with state and society; and contribute to improve the quality of participation, although with much less success in promoting internal democracy.
In: Austrian journal of political science: OZP, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 427-450
ISSN: 2313-5433
'Eine Voraussetzung für den Bestand repräsentativer Demokratien ist, dass die Bürger den politischen Institutionen ein gewisses Maß an Vertrauen entgegenbringen. Nach Easton (1965) ist das Konzept des politischen Vertrauens in dem Konzept der politischen Unterstützung zu verorten. 30 Jahre später kommt mit Putnam (1993) ein zweiter theoretischer Strang auf, der politisches Vertrauen als zentralen Bestandteil von Sozialkapital betrachtet. Das Ziel des Beitrags besteht darin, zu klären, welche Rolle das Institutionenvertrauen im Zusammenhang mit dem Unterstützungskonzept Eastons einerseits sowie dem Sozialkapitalansatz Putnams andererseits spielt. Die Analysen, die für die Länder Deutschland, Schweiz, Norwegen, Schweden, Spanien und die USA durchgeführt werden, basieren auf Daten der dritten Welle des World Values Surveys (1995-97). Als Untersuchungsergebnis lässt sich festhalten, dass eine generalisierte Dimension des Institutionenvertrauens in der Bevölkerung besteht, die die Verortung in Eastons Konzept politischer Unterstützung rechtfertigt. Bei einer Differenzierung des Vertrauens der Bürger zu Institutionen des Rechtsstaats (Polizei, Justiz) und des Parteienstaats (Parlament, Parteien, Regierung) zeigt sich jedoch, dass Putnams Sozialkapitalkonzept ebenso einen relevanten Erklärungsbeitrag leistet.' (Autorenreferat)
This paper explores universities as political institutions in the first place. Some principles related to interest groups, power, competition for scarce resources and negotiation in search of compromise are found to be common to businesses and the academic environment as well. We then reviewed the main characteristics of political systems which we also found to be present in universities. We argue that politics in universities is not necessarily a bad thing since using it in an appropriate, rational way is proven to have more advantages than disadvantages. Next, we analyzed universities as coalitions, looked into their sources of power and decision making processes and discussed the relationship between authorities and partisans. Finally, we discussed some leadership issues in political systems using examples from our own experience as employees in different Romanian universities*. Our concluding remarks support the idea that political action in universities may be used as an instrument for reaching goals if it is backed by leadership skills as drivers for promoting collaborative and interdependent relationships between internal and external audiences. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n2s2p9
BASE
In: Perspectives on politics: a political science public sphere, Band 3, Heft 2, S. 215-233
ISSN: 1537-5927
World Affairs Online