Suchergebnisse

U radu se govori o značenju i ulozi Ljudevita Jonkea koji je, kako se to u kroatističkoj standardologiji navodi, dugogodišnji autoritet u standardnojezičnim i jezično-političkim pitanjima u Hrvatskoj. Poseban naglasak stavlja se na njegovu ulogu u kontekstu zbivanja prije potpisivanja Deklaracije o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika kao i na neprihvaćanje tadašnjih vlasti same Deklaracije i osudu njezinih potpisnika. Ljudevit Jonke u tom se smislu nametnuo kao iznimna figura zaslužna za oživotvorenje njezina cilja u borbi za ravnopravnost položaja hrvatskoga jezika osobito 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. ; The paper speaks about the role of Ljudevit Jonke, who has been a long-time authority in standard language as well as linguistic and political matters in Croatia according to Croatian standardology. Special emphasis is put on his role in the context of events before signing of the Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language and rejection of the document by the authorities of that time as well as condemnation of its signatories. In this context, Ljudevit Jonke imposed himself as a figure of immeasurable significance, responsible for reviving its aim in fighting for equal status of the Croatian language, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPriprema se novi Zakon o šumama, prema kojemu, nadamo se, neće biti opetovanog smanjivanja postotka naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma. U vrijeme kada nam priroda daje kataklizmičke odgovore za našu nebrigu o njoj, a najveći svjetski zagađivači ne pristaju na njenu zaštitu, šumarskoj struci se već po običaju "sječe grana" na kojoj, ne samo šumari, nego svi sjedimo. Sve više čuju se i glasovi koji sugeriraju izdvajanje priobalnog područja iz dosadašnjeg načina upravljanja, no bez jasne kompenzacijske financijske podloge. Ne opamećuje nas niti rekordan broj požara i potreba saniranja šteta upravo na tome području.S motrišta Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva koje objedinjuje hrvatsku šumarsku znanost, obrazovanje i praksu, ponajprije sa žaljenjem zaključujemo da resorni ministar do danas nije našao vremena za razgovor s njegovim predstavnicima. Bilo to nekome drago ili ne, moramo reći da je to, uz ostalo, i pokazatelj kakav status ima šumarstvo unutar resornog ministarstva. Željno smo očekivali pozitivne promjene nakon gotovo petogodišnjeg zastranjivanja u vođenju šumarske struke i zanemarivanja pojedinih načela potrajnog gospodarenja šumskim resursima, o čemu smo argumentirano pisali. Svakako, Vlada RH između ostalog, mora odlučiti očekuje li i dalje od šumarstva klasičnu "dobit" za državni proračun, ili gospodarenje šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, gdje se dobit ne mjeri novčanicama, nego optimalnim pomlađivanjem, maksimalnim prirastom, poželjnom bioraznolikošću, prirodnošću i stabilnošću, što naposljetku osigurava očuvanje, a istovremeno i sve benefite šumskog ekosustava. Nismo primijetili ni promjene glede netržišnog gospodarenja, dapače neki i dalje zahtijevaju osiguranje dobave drvnim sortimentima zajamčenim ugovorima, a ne tržišnim nadmetanjem.Da li se nešto radi na proklamiranom restrukturiranju i decentralizaciji Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o., nije nam poznato. Svakako, vidimo da nema vidljivog utjecaja na tu temu nikakav poziv na raspravu, kao primjerice tekst bivšeg ministra Tarnaja, objavljen u Šumarskome listu 3-4/2017. Svakako promjene i građenje novog ustroja, trebalo bi krenuti od poprilično zanemarenih revira i revirnika, neposrednih i najodgovornijih čimbenika gospodarenja šumama, a ne od vrha, koji neprestano buja. Sve to zahtijeva širu stručnu i društvenu raspravu na državnoj razini, ponajprije neovisnih znalaca/stručnjaka, a ne predstavnika raznih interesnih skupina i nedovoljno educiranih političara. Te rasprave nema, bez obzira na činjenicu da se radi o gotovo polovici kopnene površine Hrvatske i šumi koja je prema Ustavu resurs od posebnog interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku. Problemi svakodnevno niču od stručnih – saniranja šteta od ledoloma u Gorskome kotaru, sušenja jasena, šteta od hrastove stjenice, potkornjaka, pošumljavanja opožarenih površina, privatnih šuma, šteta uzrokovanih klimatskim promjenama, do zapošljavanja mladih, kadroviranja pa i političkog nepotizma. Sve probleme u stanju smo uspješno riješiti, jer imamo stručnog i infrastrukturnog potencijala kao malo koja struka, ali uz eliminiranje kadrova koji su struku doveli u današnju situaciju, a koji su se očito unaprijed ugovorima dobro zaštitili. No, nažalost šumarstvo je struka gdje se pogreške u gospodarenju vide tek nakon više godina, kada je "kasno plakati", pa se mnogima čini da je trenutno sa šumarstvom sve u redu. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALPreparations are under way to formulate the new Forest Law, which will, hopefully, eliminate the continual decrease in the fee for non-market forest functions. At the time at which Nature responds with cataclysmic consequences to our indifference towards it and major global polluters refuse to protect it, the branch on which not only foresters but all of us are sitting is again being cut off. There are increased requests to exclude the coastal region from the current management policy, but at the same time no clear compensational financial bases are provided. Not even the record number of fires and the need to recover the damage in these very areas have brought us to our senses.From the aspect of the Croatian Forestry Association, which unifies the Croatian forestry science, education and practice, we can only ascertain with regret that the relevant minister has not yet found time to discuss these hot issues with its representatives. Whether we like it nor not, it should be said that this is, among other things, one more indicator of the status of forestry within the relevant ministry. We had eagerly awaited positive changes after an almost five-year period of a misguided attitude to the forestry profession and the negligence towards the principles of sustainable management of forest resources, which we have already discussed in our Journal. Definitely, the Croatian government should decide, among other things, whether it expects classical "profit" for the state budget from forestry or whether it supports forest management according to the principles of sustainable management. In the latter, profit is not measured by banknotes but by optimal regeneration, maximal increment, desirable biodiversity, naturalness and stability, all of which ensures the preservation of the forest ecosystem and of its multiple benefits. We have not seen any changes in the attitude towards non-market economy, either; on the contrary, some continue to demand the acquisition of wood assortments through guaranteed contracts rather than through market competition.We do not know if anything is being done regarding the proclaimed restructuring and decentralisation of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. What we do see is that no invitation to a debate on the subject has had any effect, such as the text of the former minister Tarnaj, published in Forestry Journal 1-4/2017. In order to develop a new system it is necessary to start from the relatively neglected forest districts and district rangers, the most direct and responsible factors in forest management, rather than at the top management, which is constantly expanding in numbers. This requires a broader professional and social debate at the state level with the participation of independent experts/professionals and not representatives of different interest groups and insufficiently educated politicians. However, such a debate is missing, even though this issue concerns almost half of the land area of Croatia and the forest which the Constitution describes as a resource of particular interest for the Republic of Croatia. There are problems on a daily basis, including the recovery of the damage from ice break in Gorski Kotar, ash dieback, damage from the oak lace bug, bark beetles, reforestation of burnt areas, private forests, damage caused by climate change, employment of the young, personnel policy and political nepotism. We are capable of solving all these problems successfully because we have professional and infrastructural potential that very few professions can boast, but we should primarily eliminate the cadres who have reduced the profession to a current unenviable situation and who have protected themselves with contracts well in advance. Unfortunately, forestry is a profession in which mistakes in the management come to light only after several years, when it is too late to "cry over spilt milk". This is the reason that many erroneously believe that forestry is currently in a good shape. Editorial Board

Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Husserl's concept & definition of the "living world" represents a sort of the pinnacle of his later philosophical works. In the form of a new universal science -- transcendental phenomenology -- & by defining the living world as -- for us -- an immediate & contiguous world, the known & acknowledged intersubjectivity, Husserl provides a critique of the modern age, ie, the domination of the paradigm of the objectivist sciences. Husserl's phenomenology also delves into the equally central political & social problems of the contemporary age; Husserl calls for the establishment of a new rationality in judging social & political issues. Particular attention is given to Husserl's vehement critique of antiliberalism as well as his novel relation I-we ie, the individual & the community or the state. Adapted from the source document.

Sveučilišni profesor upravnog prava, političar, šekspirolog i esejist Vinko Krišković (Senj, 1861. – Zürich, 1952.) u više svojih djela s temama iz filozofije politike zagovara liberalizam na fonu engleskih autora i engleske političke prakse. Krišković je razmjerno slabo prisutan u hrvatskoj političkoj i intelektualnoj povijesti, među ostalim i zbog toga što nije pristajao niti uz jednu političku opciju djelatnu u Hrvatskoj dvadesetih, tridesetih, četrdesetih i pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća (integralno jugoslavenstvo, haesesovski populizam, totalitarno ustaštvo, jugoslavenski komunizam). Autor sugerira mogući odgovor na pitanje - u kolikoj mjeri on argumente za otpor ovim opcijama i nepristajanje uz njih nalazi u filozofiji, i je li Kriškovićev slučaj u nekoj mjeri relevantan i za aktualne probleme i prijepore. ; Professor of administrative law at the University of Zagreb, politician, essayist and first Croatian member of the Royal Shakespeare Society Vinko Krišković (Senj 1861 - Zurich 1952) dealt in some of his works with the topic of political philosophy. He was an advocate of liberal positions inspired by English authors and English political practice. Krišković is relatively unknown in the Croatian political and intellectual history, i.a. because he opposed all the political options present in Yugoslavia and Croatia in the first half of the 19th century (integral Yugoslavism, Peasant Party populism, totalitarian Ustasha movement, Yugoslav Communism). The author offers possible answers to the questions to what extent did Krišković find the arguments needed to resist these political options in philosophy and whether his case is in any measure relevant for the current issues and controversies.

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the ...

Nedavno održani referendum o izlasku Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva iz Europske unije te najave budućih referenduma u drugim državama članicama, uz pozivanje na prvenstvo "volje naroda", nameću potrebu podrobnijeg istraživanja stvarne uloge neposrednog odlučivanja građana u Uniji. Ovaj rad pridonosi tome analizom temeljnih problema s kojima se, kao složeni politički sustav, Unija mora nositi. Oslanjanjem na usporedno federalističko iskustvo ističemo dvostruki problem višerazinskog političkog prostora te problem prevođenja ovlasti i osporavanja takva prijevoda izravnodemokratskim putem. Te dvije teškoće zajedno dovode do toga da je od izravnog sudjelovanja građana u odlučivanju o "europskim pitanjima" teško očekivati ikakav siguran ishod. ; The purpose of this paper is to present two basic ways in which a path has been laid for EU citizens to directly participate in decision-making on issues related to the Union, and to analyse the main obstacles for them to functioning. The direct participation criterion removed from our attention those forms of citizen engagement that rely on intermediaries who are either elected national or European representatives, or are embodied in civil society organisations. The idea of participation should have covered two fundamental instruments that directly relate to citizens: national referenda on European issues and the European Citizens' Initiative. Our analysis shows that there are several obstacles in the construction of the Union which have a significant effect on any reference to the directly expressed will of the people. The basis of this great number of problems is certainly the specific multi-layered political arena of the Union, which, on one hand, weakens any national referendum in terms of its supranational significance, and, on the other hand, imposes on citizens, through the European Citizens' Initiative, high requirements to adapt to the logic of supranational mechanisms. When considering the complaints that are usually directed at the direct decision-making of citizens, the idea of establishing a direct link between the Union and the citizens of particular Members States still has a long path of development before it.

Tijekom i nakon Drugog svjetskog rata grane Agitprop-a jugoslavenske Komunističke partije i povezane Komunističke partije Julijske krajine započeli su s objavom periodike za teritorije koje su kontrolirali u Istri, a neki od tih novosti bili su namijenjeni ženskoj publici. Ove žensko orijentirane publikacije djelovale su kao poticaj istarskim ženama koje su govorile talijanski da se mobiliziraju, bilo vojno kroz partizansku borbu, bilo politički za ostvarenje novog socijalističkog društva putem političke edukacije i aktivnog sudjelovanja. S jedne strane KPJ je navodila općenite marksističke teze o rodnoj jednakosti, dok je s druge djelovala unutar konteksta već postojećih fašističkih politika socijalne segregacije i obezvrijeđivanja žena. Temeljni izvori koji su ovdje analizirani odnose se na časopis La Donna Istriana te dvije različite publikacije istog imena Donne, kao i ratni pamflet 8 marzo. ; During and after the Second World War, the Agitation and Propaganda branches of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the related Communist Party of the Julian March started the publication of periodical news issues in the territories they controlled in Istria, and some of these issues were aimed at female audiences. These femaleoriented publications encouraged the Italian-speaking Istrian women to mobilize both militarily, in the partisan struggle, and politically, for the construction of the new socialist society through political education and active participation. On the one hand the KPJ made reference to generic Marxist gender egalitarianism; on the other hand, though, it was acting within the context of the preexisting fascist policies of social segregation and belittlement of women. The primary sources hereby analyzed are the magazine La Donna Istriana and two different publications both named Donne, as well as the wartime pamphlet 8 marzo.

By applying the analytical model derived by Deegan-Krause, the paper analyzes social cleavages underpinning the party preferences in the elections for the Croatian Parliament in 2003. The results of the research carried out on a sample of 2,000 adult Croatian citizens by phone interviews two days before the elections indicate that this model has identified relatively shallow social cleavages underlying the voting behavior in the analyzed elections. Namely, out of thirteen analyzed attitudes only three significantly explain a part of the variance in party preferences, the most significant being the attitude concerning the cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague & the attitude concerning abortion. The results also show there is a significant link among certain socio-demographic characteristics, the attitudes about the political issues in question & the party preferences. This means that there might be a social cleavage at work here. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

U članku se razmatraju empirijski potkrijepljeni nalazi o trendovima, pitanjima i perspektivama političke znanosti koji su izloženi u radovima unutar biblioteke Istraživačkog odbora br. 33 Međunarodnog udruženja za političku znanost (IPSA-e) pod naslovom "Svijet političke znanosti: razvoj discipline" te na konferenciji IPSA-e održanoj u Montrealu 2008. o "Novim teorijskim i regionalnim perspektivama političke znanosti". Jedno je od pitanja koje se razmatra u ovoj analizi snaga i slabosti političke znanosti kao discipline – je li ona uopće relevantna za svijet koji nas okružuje, i ako nije, zašto nije? Golim je okom vidljivo da u usporedbi s, primjerice, ekonomijom kao znanošću (Predsjednik Obama ima tri savjetodavna vijeća) politička znanost razmjerno manje zanima kreatore javnih politika, medije i javnost. Stoga se pitamo je li politička znanost u raskoraku sa svijetom, i ako jest, što se može s tim u vezi učiniti? ; This paper arises from the empirical evidence about trends, issues and perspectives in political science to be found in the International Political Science Association's (IPSA) Research Committee 33 book series entitled: The World of Political Science: Development of the Discipline and the papers presented at the 2008 Montreal Conference of the IPSA on New Theoretical and Regional Perspectives on International Political Science. One of the issues raised by this analysis of the discipline's strengths and weaknesses is the question of whether political science is relevant to the outside world and if not, why not? It is evident to the naked eye that in comparison with, say, economists (President Obama has three advisory councils), political science is of relatively little interest to policy-makers, the media and the public. We have to ask if political science is out of step with the world and, if so, what might be done about it?

It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political & legal structure of the ethnic status & relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia & Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favourable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its "pre-war" position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian & Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness & long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. Map, References. Adapted from the source document.

U klasičnom prirodnom pravu pojam ustava odnosio se na zakone, institucije i praksu organiziranja i usmjeravanja države i političkog sustava. Prema ovom shvaćanju, svaki je politički sustav grada-države imao ustav. Suvremeno značenje ustava dobija pak specifično i vrijedonosno utemeljenje: ustav se danas odnosi na uspostavu posebnog oblika političkog poretka. Suvremeni ustavi govore o ograničenoj vladi (limited government). Ustavom se politička vlast konstituira i ograničava u isto vrijeme. Neke su države ustavne zato jer imaju ograničenu i odgovornu vlast, a druge nisu. U potonjem slučaju govorimo o državama koje imaju ustav, ali nemaju konstitucionalizam. Nakon građanskih revolucija, konstitucionalizam je postao središnji mehanizam kontrole političke vlasti i osiguranja slobode. U tekstu se otvara pitanje da li Statut Korčule iz 2014./1265. godine, kao normativna projekcija komunalnih organa u Gradu i na Otoku Korčuli (skupština čitavog naroda, knez, veliko vijeće, malo vijeće, kurija, komunalne službe.), omogućuje podlogu istraživanja (dis)kontinuiteta "starog konstitucionalizma" (ancient constitutionalism) i kasnijih racionalnih, jednoobraznih i kontraktualističkih oblika modernog konstitucionalizma koji se temelje na ustavu kao najvišem pravnom aktu i sudskoj kontroli ustavnosti. Zaključuje se da je Statut grada i otoka Korčule, kao svojevrsna normativna križaljka medijevalnih institucija, posebnih sloboda i višerazinskih jurisdikcija, predstavljao stvarnu povijesnu platformu s koje su se mogli kontrolirati i balansirati svi oni nositelji vlasti koji su prakticirali vlast bilo u granicama prava ili su pak težili njenom apsolutiziranju i korumpiranju. ; In classic natural law the issue of constitution was related to the laws, institutions and practice of organising and directing states and the political system. According to this understanding, every political system of town-state had a constitution. The contemporary meaning of constitution nevertheless gained specific and valuable foundation: today the constitution means the establishment of a special form of political organisation. Contemporary constitutions talk of limited government. With a constitution, political power is constituted and limited at the same time. Some states are constitutional because they have a limited and responsible government and others are not. In the latter case, we are talking about states that have a constitution, but do not have constitutionalism. After civil revolutions, constitutionalism becomes the central mechanism of control of political power and ensuring freedom. This text opens up the question of whether the Statute of Korčule of the year 1214/1265, as a normative projection of municipal organs in the Town and Island of Korčula (assembly of all people, duke, grand council, small council, curia, utility services.), provided the base for researching the (dis)continuity of "ancient constitutionalism" and classic rational, uniform and contractualistic forms of modern constitutionalism which is based on the constitution as the highest legal act and court control of constitutionality. In conclusion, the Statute of the Town and Island of Korčula, as a unique normative crossword puzzle of medieval institutions, special freedoms and multi-level jurisdictions, represented a real historical platform. From this platform all those bearers of power who implemented power could be controlled and balanced either within legal boundaries or they strived for absolutism and corruption.