Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad bavi se važnošću "znanja" i "pristupa informacijama" u formiranju mišljenja mladih građana o pojedinim temama kroz deliberativne procedure. Deliberativna demokracija, kao demokratski model i demokratska procedura koja dopušta sudionicima uključivanje u racionalan i otvoren dijalog prije odlučivanja o određenoj temi, teorijski je okvir na kojem se temelji istraživanje predstavljeno u ovom radu. Empirijski dio našeg rada temelji se na deliberativnom događaju koji se odvio u listopadu 2014. na instituciji za visoko obrazovanje Western Macedonia University of Applied Sciences u Grčkoj. Tema deliberacije bila je "Anketna istraživanja javnog mnijenja o politici". Rezultati ovog istraživanja potvrđuju tezu iz relevantne literature koja naglašava kako deliberativne procedure obogaćuju znanje građana i tako im omogućavaju da učinkovito sudjeluju u procesu donošenja odluka. ; This paper addresses the importance of "knowledge" and "access to information" in the formation of young citizens' opinion through deliberative procedures. The research presented in this paper is grounded in the theoretical framework of deliberative democracy as a democratic model and procedure that allows participants to be engaged in a rational and open dialogue before deciding on a particular issue. Our research draws empirically upon a deliberative event that took place in October 2014 at the Western Macedonia University of Applied Sciences in Greece. The topic of deliberation was "Political Public Opinion Polls." The results of this study are commensurate with the dominant thesis in the relevant literature, which underlines that the deliberative procedure enriches the knowledge of citizens and thus enables them to participate effectively in the decision making process.

Ovaj rad bavi se međuodnosom političkih preferencija i političkih orijentacija studenata i njihovih roditelja. Rad je teorijski organiziran u okvirima sociologije znanja s posebnim osvrtom na određene dimenzije političke socijalizacije kao dinamičnog procesa – konstantne dijalektike primarnih i sekundarnih socijalizacijskih aktera. U radu se istraživala važnost određenih aktera u životima studenata u formiranju njihovih političkih identiteta. Provedeno je istraživanje nad populacijom studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Uzorak je obuhvaćao 500 studenata s fokusom na ispunjenje kvota po spolu i području studijskog programa. Samo istraživanje polazilo je od tri osnovna istraživačka pitanja; (1) U kojoj mjeri i na koji su način povezane političke preferencije studenata i roditelja? (2) U kojoj mjeri su povezani političko ideološki stavovi (političke orijentacije) roditelja i studenata (u smislu lijevo/centar/desno)? (3) U kojoj mjeri su povezani politički stavovi (preferencije i orijentacija) studenata sa stavovima očeva te stavovima majka? Istraživanje je pokazalo kako su, u ponuđenim akterima, najveće značenje za formiranje političkog identiteta za studente i dalje imali njihovi roditelji. Potvrđena je i statistički značajna povezanost političke orijentacije studenata i one njihovih roditelja. U deskriptivnom smislu, veća usklađenost i političkih orijentacija i političkih preferencija vidljiva je na desnom političkom spektru nego li je to slučaj s lijevim političkim spektrom (iako i tamo postoji povezanost). ; This paper deals with the interrelation of political preferences and political orientations of students and their parents. The paper is theoretically organized within the sociology of knowledge with special reference to certain dimensions of political socialization as a dynamic process - the constant dialectic of primary and secondary socialization actors. The paper investigates the importance of certain stakeholders in the lives of students in the formation of their political identities. A survey was conducted on the student population of the University of Zagreb. The sample included 500 students with a focus on meeting quotas by gender and program of study. The research itself was based on three basic research questions; (1) To what extent and in what way are the political preferences of students and parents related? (2) To what extent are the political ideological attitudes (political orientations) of parents and students related (in terms of left-wing / center / right-wing)? (3) To what extent are the political attitudes (preferences and orientation) of students related to the attitudes of their fathers and mothers? The research showed that, among the offered stakeholders, the most influential in the formation of political identity for students were their parents. A statistically significant connection between the political orientation of students and that of their parents was also confirmed. In the descriptive analysis, greater alignment of both political orientations and political preferences is visible on the right political spectrum than is the case with the left political spectrum (although there is a connection there as well).

Politička apatija je generalna nezainteresiranost i ravnodušnost građana prema politici, niska razina sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima i slab odaziv na izbore. Istraživanje provedeno na području pet slavonskih županija u Republici Hrvatskoj pokazalo je nisku razinu sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima odnosno visoku razinu političke apatije. Istraživanje je provedeno 2017. godine, metodom osobnog ispitivanja na uzorku od ukupno 662 ispitanika. Rezultati analize razlika (ANOVA-e i T-testa) pokazali su kako veću tendenciju sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima imaju muškarci te ispitanici s iznadprosječnim primanjima, a u slučaju nekonvencionalnih političkih aktivnosti veću tendenciju sudjelovanja iskazali su i više obrazovani ispitanici u odnosu na niže obrazovane. Provedenom klasteranalizom opisani su pojedini segmenti birača prema razini njihovog sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima, a rezultati su ukazali kako više od polovice ispitanika (51,2 %) pripada segmentu apatičnih građana. Ovaj segment najvećim dijelom čine žene i ispitanici s ispodprosječnim prihodima, a odlikuju ih visoke stope političkog cinizma, izrazito niske stope interesa za politiku i percipiranog znanja o politici. Rezultati ovog istraživanja doprinose teoriji i praksi političkog marketinga u Republici Hrvatskoj jer utvrđivanjem razine političke apatije te karakteristika određenih ciljnih skupina, političke stranke mogu odrediti smjer i načine djelovanja na određenu ciljnu skupinu u cilju povećanja broja svojih birača, ali i smanjenja političke apatije kao društvenog problema. Najveće ograničenje istraživanja odnosi se na nereprezentativan uzorak s obzirom na to da je istraživanje provedeno u samo jednoj regiji Republike Hrvatske. Za dobivanje cjelovite slike i utvrđivanje eventualnih regionalnih razlika istraživanje bi trebalo provesti na području cijele Republike Hrvatske. Buduća bi se istraživanja također trebala fokusirati na detaljnu analizu utjecajnih čimbenika političke apatije. Testiranjem jačine i smjera pojedinih utjecajnih čimbenika na političku apatiju dobila bi se korisna saznanja kako na te čimbenike djelovati s ciljem reduciranja političke apatije. ; Political apathy represents the general disinterest and indifference of citizens towards politics, low levels of participation in political activities, and low turnout. The research conducted in the five Slavonian counties in the Republic of Croatia showed a low level of participation in conventional and unconventional political activities, i.e. a high level of political apathy. The research was conducted in 2017, using an in-person survey method on a sample of 662 respondents. The results of the analysis of differences (ANOVA and T-test) showed that men and respondents with above-average income have a greater tendency to participate in both conventional and unconventional political activities. When it comes to unconventional political activities, a higher tendency to participate was expressed by higher educated respondents as opposed to lower educated citizens. Cluster analysis has described some segments of the voters according to their degree of involvement in political activity, and the results indicated that more than half of the respondents (51.2%) belong to the segment of apathetic citizens. This segment mainly consists of women and respondents with under average income, characterized by high rates of political cynicism, low levels of interest in politics and perceived knowledge of politics. The results of this research contribute to the theory and practice of political marketing in the Republic of Croatia. By determining the level of political apathy and the characteristics of specific target groups, political parties can determine the direction and ways of acting on a particular target group in order to increase the number of voters and to reduce political apathy as a social problem. The most significant limitation of the research is the non-representative sample given that the survey was conducted in only one region of the Republic of Croatia. To obtain a complete picture and to identify possible regional differences, research should be carried out throughout the Republic of Croatia. Future research should also focus on a detailed analysis of influential factors of political apathy. By testing the strength and direction of some influential factors on political apathy, it would be useful to know how to influence those factors in order to reduce political apathy.

Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

Swing države izrazito su važan političko-geografski fenomen u američkoj politici, a obzirom na ulogu SAD-a u svijetu taj fenomen se posljedično odražava i na svjetsku politiku. Politički sustav SAD-a jedinstven je i omogućava nastanak swing država. U analizi su proučavani određeni demografski faktori koji utječu na glasanje u swing državama kao što su rasna, religijska i dobno-spolna struktura te visina dohotka i utjecaj ruralnosti i urbaniziranosti. Na primjeru deset odabranih swing država analizirano je što je dovelo do toga da savezna država postane swing državom ili se prestane smatrati swing državom. Analiza je pokazala da neki faktori češće utječu na swing status određene savezne države nego drugi. Promatrane swing države su to najčešće postale zbog priljeva stanovništva migracijom. Uz to, analizirana je prostorna distribucija glasova unutar swing država te vrste glasača unutar swing država ; Swing states are an extremely important political-geographical phenomenon in American politics, given the role of the United States in the world, this phenomenon is consequently reflected in world politics. The US political system is unique and allows for the emergence of swing states. The analysis examined certain demographic factors influencing voting in swing states such as racial, religious and age-sex structure as well as income levels and the impact of rurality and urbanization. On the example of ten selected swing states, it was analysed what led to the federal state becoming a swing state or ceasing to be considered a swing state. The analysis showed that some factors affect the swing status of a particular federal state more often than others. The observed swing states have most often become so due to the influx of population through migration. In addition, the spatial distribution of votes within swing states were analysed and the types of voters within swing states as well.

Autor obrađuje razvoj telegramske i telefonske službe u Međimurju do 19. godine. Analizira literaturu, a potom ispravlja i nadopunjuje poznato uvođenjem nekorištenih izvora iz mađarskih i hrvatskih arhiva, prije svega telefonskih imenika. Osobitu pažnju posvećuje pitanju kronologije i dostupnosti telegramskih i telefonskih veza. Upućuje na važnost analize imenika otkuda se mogu saznati podaci o političkim, demografskim, gospodarskim i mnogim drugim važnim društvenim promjenama, koji se mogu precizno vremenski i prostorno odrediti. U prilogu objavljuje odabrane telefonske imenike za naselja u Međimurju. ; Contributions to the knoledge of the development of the ire and telephone services in Medjimurje till 19. Summar The author analzes the development of the telegram and telephone services in Medjimurje till 19. Analzes literature, and then corrects and complements the ell-knon introduction of the sources of Croatian and Hungarian archives, most importantl, phone directories. Special aention is paid to the chronolog and the availabilit of telegram or telephone. It refers to the importance of analzing the director from here the can find information on the political, demographic, economic and man other important social changes, hich can be accuratel determined b time and space. He publishes aachments of telephone directories for selements in Medimurje.

Antun i Stjepan Radić uvelike su utjecali na razvoj hrvatske povijesti jer su probudili narodnu svijest kod seljaka u hrvatskim zemljama i pretvorili ga u politički narod. Pri tome Antun Radić bio je znanstvenik koji je prikupio podatke i udario temelje hrvatske narodnosti i to uzimajući u prvo vrijeme za maticu Rusiju, tada jedinu slavensku državu. Stjepan Radić bio je svestraniji i poznavalac svjetske povijesti. Nadopunio je Antunove spoznaje rezultatima francuske politologije i sociologije djelujući neposredno u narodu. Njihovo zajedničko djelovanje ima više faza: djetinjstvo i srednjoškolsko doba kada je Antun mentor Stjepanu i sazrijevanje kada braća imaju različite interese, te Antun kroči putem produbljivanja poznavanja ruske književnosti i hrvatskoga jezika, a Stjepan se angažira na političkoj sceni protiv mađarona. U trećoj fazi Stjepan produljuje svoju politiku liberalnim spoznajama francuske politološke i sociološke škole, te je njegov odnos s bratom izjednačen. U četvrtom razdoblju obojica smatraju da se preko Sabora mogu izboriti za promjene u Hrvatskoj. Stjepan pritom ima više uspjeha. I na kraju, Stjepan ostaje voditi i dalje borbu za prava hrvatskoga naroda s time da u svoje ciljeve do smrti ugrađuje mnoge Antunove ideje. Braća su opet na istoj liniji kao u djetinjstvu. ; Antun and Stjepan Radić have greatly impacted Croatian history development, namely peasant's national awareness in all Croatian Lands, thus transforming them into political nation. Antun Radić was also a scientist who has collected data and made the foundations of Croatian nationhood (having in mind Russia, at that time the only Slavic State). Stjepan Radić was more versatile and knowledgeable of world history. He has supplemented Antun's findings with results of Franch political sciences and sociology, constantly working with the people. Their joint venture has several stages: childhood and adolescence, when Antun was a mentor to Stjepan; followed by a period of maturation when brothers have different interests – Antun was involved in Russian Literature and Croatian Language Studies, while Stjepan was politically engaged against Unionist party members (mađaroni). In the third stage, Stjepan deepens his politics with liberal knowledge (École libre des sciences politiques) and becomes equal to his brother. In the fourth stage, they both think that one can make changes in Croatia through Parliament. In doing so, Stjepan is more successful. At the end, Stjepan is left to lead the fight for the rights of Croatian people (until his death), while incorporating many of Antun's ideas in the national goals. Thereby, brothers have remained on the same side just as they were in childhood.

Vrijeme kada nisu postojali odnosi između politike i sporta, bilo da se radi o svakodnevnoj praksi ili znanstvenoistraživačkim pristupima povezanosti tih dvaju pojmova, ako ga je ikada i bilo, svakako je odavno iza nas. Usprkos tome danas se čini da se, osobito u znanstvenoistraživačkom radu na području nekadašnjih sportskih socijalističkih velesila, tim odnosima ne posvećuje odgovarajuća pozornost i da se oni često a priori negiraju i smatraju nevažnima. Zbog toga je glavni cilj ovoga članka potaknuti raspravu o važnosti i smislu istraživanja odnosa između politike i sporta gledano iz dvije perspektive – s obzirom na iskustva znanstvenika iz cijeloga svijeta te s obzirom na dosad provedena istraživanja znanstvenika iz bivše Jugoslavije. Stoga smo u ovome članku najprije teoretski odredili kontekst odnosa politike i sporta, a zatim smo analizom postojeće svjetske literature i radova znanstvenika s prostora bivše Jugoslavije analizirali međusobnu povezanost sporta i politike. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata, koji potvrđuju stalnu i čvrstu povezanost, ali ujedno i suviše apstraktno i paušalno razumijevanje odnosa sporta i politike, nudimo politološki relevantnu tipologiju odnosa između politike i sporta. Smatramo da razlike između odnosa politike kao borbe za vlast, institucionalne strukture te koncepta javnointeresnog djelovanja i sporta presudno utječu na buduća obilježja odnosa sporta i politike. ; Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.

In this essay the transfer of knowledge and experts between Vienna, Zagreb, inter-war China and the USSR will be analysed through the collaboration between two well-known interwar public health reformers, Aus- trian Julius Tandler and Croat Andrija Štampar. In the 1930s, they worked in China under the auspices of the League of Nations Health Organization and developed intensive cooperation in the field of public health. Based on the diary records of Andrija Štampar and the preserved archival correspondence, their personal and professional contacts were analysed. The main interest was the exchange of experiences and opinions, as well as their observations about the people and ideas they encountered and the situations in which they found themselves. This essay also tries to shed some light on the milieu in which the notions of public health and social medicine advanced, as well as the multiple external factors which influenced those developments. However, the opportunities for constructive work in the field of public health grew increasingly slim in the political constellation of the time. The League of Nations was losing its power and its health organisation followed suit. The local resistance to foreign influences in China was becoming progressively intense. The ever more severe unrest led the world into World War II and pushed the establishment of an international public health order to the margins for some time to come. However, what remained in memory was a flow of ideas and experiences which was formed in Central and Southeastern Europe and which subsequently tried to make their way far to the East and develop not only local but also general and international qualities. Many of these ideas became the basis for a new world-wide public health system that developed after World War II. ; U ovom su radu predstavljeni transfer znanja i stručnjaka između Beča, Zagreba, međuratne Kine i SSSR-a kroz suradnju dvaju poznatih međuratnih reformatora javnog zdravstva, Austrijanca Juliusa Tandlera i Hrvata Andrije Štampara. Ta su dva javnozdravstvena stručnjaka 1930-tih radili u Kini pod pokroviteljstvom Zdravstvene organizacije Lige naroda i razvijali intenzivnu suradnju u području javnog zdravstva i medicinske nastave. Na temelju dnevničkih zapisa Andrije Štampara i sačuvane arhivske korespondencije analizirani su njihovi osobni i profesionalni kontakti. Glavno zanimanje ovog rada se veže uz razmjenu njihovih iskustava i mišljenja, kao i njihova zapažanja o ljudima i idejama s kojima su se susreli te situacijama u kojima su se našli. Ovaj rad također pokušava osvijetliti milje u kojem su se javno zdravstvene i socijalno medicinske ideje razvijale kao i vanjske čimbenika, nevezane uz samu struku, koji su utjecali na njih. Krajem 30-tih godina 20. stoljeća prilike za konstruktivan rad na području javnog zdravstva postajale su sve slabije a pod utjecajem tadašnje političke konstelacije i gubita utjecaja Lige naroda. Lokalni otpor stranim utjecajima u Kini postajao je sve intenzivniji. Sve oštriji nemiri vodili su svijet u Drugi svjetski rat i gurnuli uspostavljanje međunarod- nog javnozdravstvenog poretka u posve drugi plan. Međutim, ono što je ostalo u naslijeđe je bio protok ideja i iskustava koji je zahvatio ne samo lokalno područje Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe već se proširio sve do područja Dalekog istoka. Mnoge od tih ideja postale su temelj novog svjetskog javnog zdravstvenog sustava koji se razvio nakon Drugog svjetskog rata.

The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into how much, in today's world, the tradition of the philosophy of politics & its reactualization via the contemporary political philosophy as the phenomenology of the political world can help us in illuminating the efforts to designate the concept of the political suitable for the modern phenomena. Using the ideas of Hannah Arendt & Rudiger Bubner, the author outlines some subjects & interpretations that are worthy of the rehabilitation & the reactualization of the concept of the political & its understanding that befits the historical being. The central hypothesis in this analysis of the concept of the political is that these fundamental insights & the overall theory of diverse scientific disciplines should not be left exclusively to individual sciences & their specialists, especially since the fundamental knowledge of politics & practical philosophy cannot be left to political science as a separate political science i.e. the science of politics should not be defined only positivistically. References. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper the author uses the analysis of a concrete case -- the introduction of political education into England's school system -- to describe the scientific, professional & political debates surrounding the status of school political education in schools in democratic states. Based on this analysis he concludes that England's case unmistakably proves that the proposals regarding the introduction of the new political education syllabuses, regardless of their quality, will invariably fail unless there is a strong political will i.e. the resolve of the political elites to accept & implement them. He also concludes that in today's democratic states there is some sort of a consensus on the necessity of the existence of this segment of education as an essential component of school systems. The consensus is based on the understanding that the future of democratic political systems to a large extent depends on the existence of citizens who possess the knowledge, attitudes & capabilities necessary for their informed & responsible inclusion in the process of political decision-making. The author thinks that the analysis embarked on in this paper might serve as an incentive for the actualization of the debate on the present status, scope, models & contents of political education in Croatian schools. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Prethodna su istraživanja pokazala da hrvatska politika mentalnog zdravlja nije politički prioritet, da joj nedostaje interdisciplinarnosti, međusektorske suradnje i holističkog pristupa. Slijedeći pretpostavku da je jedan od glavnih razloga za takvo polazište niska razina korištenja znanja pri stvaranju politike mentalnog zdravlja, ova studija pokušala je ispitati ulogu ekspertize i prijenosa znanja u razvoju hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom snowball u proljeće 2018., obuhvatilo je 124 sudionika, stručnjaka iz različitih ustanova koje se bave mentalnim zdravljem. Za potrebe ove studije razvijen je upitnik "Razvoj hrvatske politike mentalnog zdravlja". Prikupljeni kvalitativni i kvantitativni podatci pokazali su da stručnjaci iz sektora mentalnog zdravlja kreiranje politike u svome polju opisuju kao nekvalitetno i u ovisnosti o visokim vladinim tijelima kojima upravlja politička elita nezainteresirana za mentalno zdravlje. Podatci također pokazuju da stručnjaci iz područja mentalnog zdravlja o poboljšanju politike mentalnog zdravlja razmišljaju u skladu s međunarodnim smjernicama. Pa ipak, sebe rijetko smatraju aktivnim činiteljima u procesu kreiranja politike. To nas vodi zaključku da stručnjaci trebaju podršku za umrežavanje, udruživanje radi zagovaranja i bolje međusektorske odnose kako bi utjecali na političku volju. ; Previous research shows that Croatian mental health policy is not a political priority, that it lacks interdisciplinarity, intersectoral collaboration and a holistic approach. Following the assumption that one of the main reasons for this position is the low level of knowledge in mental health policy-making, this study was set to examine the role of expertise and knowledge translation in Croatian mental health policy development. The study was conducted during spring 2018 and has included 124 participants, professionals from different institutions dealing with mental health, using the snowball method. The questionnaire "Development of Croatian Mental Health Policy" was developed for the purpose of this study. The gathered qualitative and quantitative data shows that professionals in the mental health sector describe policymaking in the field as being of poor quality and highly dependent on top governmental bodies that are run by the political elite uninterested in mental health. The data also proves that mental health professionals in Croatia think about the improvement of mental health policy in line with international guidelines. Still, they rarely consider themselves an active force in policy-making. That leads us to the conclusion that experts and professionals need support to form networks, advocacy coalitions and better inter-sectoral relationships in order to influence the political will.

The author first defines the various facets of globalization in today's world, emphasizing the key changes that are intensifying communication among peoples, nations, & cultures all over the world. However, parallel to this, there are other pressing problems: from the ecological crisis, to the realization of human rights, to the anomie of life & work. All this proves that globalization is not only an economic & technical but, ultimately, practically an ethical & political issue. Along the lines of Hegel's philosophy of world history & Aristotle's practical philosophy, the author has come to view contemporary globalization as a step forward for world civilization, ie, as a possibility for the realization of freedom & a good life. Globalization, of course, scares people with its unpredictability & the erratic development of "global society," which (in line with Beck's distinction between the First & the Second Modernism) today is represented as a society of nation-states, on the one hand, & a "global society of transnational actors," on the other. Due to the increasing globalization & the danger of reducing all beings to things, it is central to point out that a human being is not a thing among other things, & that the appreciation & realization of life requires nurturing & cultivating the variety of human knowledge pertinent to different spheres of the historical world of life. Thus, the relevance & the role of practical philosophy is gaining significance regarding the -- to the historical Being -- proper understanding & fulfillment of human potentials in today's world. Adapted from the source document.