The aim of the paper is to present the model of Polish civil society development in sport, which is based on three phases: the first one consists in creating rules by international organizations; in the second one public authorities introduce legal regulations based on previously developed organizational standards; in turn, the third phase relies on checking to what extent these rules and regulations have been internalized by their addresses. The indicator for measuring the level of development of civil society in sport was the knowledge of the legal concept of doping among members of Polish national teams.
In the last couple of years, the concept of knowledge co-production has become more prominent. However, the meaning of the term and its relationship with the evidence-based policy (EBP) remains ambiguous. The main objectives of the review were to describe how the co-production of knowledge has been defined, the roles that individual actors can play in the process and the relationship between knowledge co-production and the evidence-based policy approach. The author asserted that the knowledge co-production was treated by the researchers both as a participatory research method and as an institutional solution for better policy implementation.
Sphere of values and related to them determinants of policy making constitute current issues in the social sciences. The author presents good practices in terms of partnerships among actors in the process of creation, implementation and evaluation of public policy, emphasizing their axiological foundations. This is primarily applicable in the knowledge sector which is an area particularly sensitive on the institutional ground because of great aspirations of the creators engaged. The article explains the concept of the knowledge sector using a group of related terms such as knowledge society, information society, knowledge-based economy, knowledge management and formulates a number of recommendations for development of this sector. The author presents the institutional structure of the knowledge sector in functional terms with emphasis on the demand of their greater integration in the pro-development activities. Subsequently, there is a presentation of constitutional norms, based on which the social dialogue and partnership are suggested as fundamental principles in the knowledge sector. The author examines the mission of the state emphasizing the importance of its role as a guarantor of these values and rules. Finally, the article presents the instruments of public policy towards the knowledge sector focusing on the importance of the principles and best practices in cooperation between public policy makers and their social partners – the creators of knowledge.
Taking as the starting the normative ideal of democracy, grounded in an inclusive understanding of the subject point of democracy, the author argues that various concepts of democracy assign particularly important role to cognitive competences and see it as an exclusive entitlement to participate in the exercise of political power in democratic systems. The case in point is contemporary debate on the proper understanding of democracy which focuses on the dilemma between, on the one hand, the idea of broad participation of the people in the democratic governance, and, on the other, the deliberative ideal which presupposes that power in these systems should be entrusted only to people with appropriate cognitive competences. The author analyzes the main elements of "cognitocratic" or "epistocratic" conceptions and points out to potential perils resulting from the attribution of a prominent role in the theory of democracy to cognitive competences. In opposition to cognitocratic approaches, both in their universalist and elite versions, the author argues that a more adequate understanding of governance in democratic systems should instead be based on the wider category of political ability. He also claims that a novel definition of this category should be informed by the normative ideal of democracy which is based on the recognition of potentially universal capabilities to develop the political ability and that this potential may in fact be activated through the actual participation in democratic politics. ; Wychodząc od normatywnego ideału demokracji, ugruntowanego w inkluzywnym rozumieniu podmiotu demokracji, autor twierdzi, że w większości koncepcji demokracji kompetencje poznawcze są postrzegane jako podstawowy wymóg upoważniający do udziału w sprawowaniu władzy politycznej. Współczesna debata nad właściwym rozumieniem demokracji koncentruje się na próbach rozstrzygnięcia dylematu między ideą szerokiego uczestnictwa ludu w sprawowaniu władzy a ideałem deliberacyjnym, który zakłada, że władza w tych systemach winna być powierzona wyłącznie osobom o odpowiednich kompetencjach poznawczych. Autor analizuje główne elementy stanowisk kognitokratycznych i wskazuje na potencjalne zagrożenia wynikające z przypisywania kompetencjom poznawczym wyróżnionej roli. Stanowiska tego typu, zarówno w wersji uniwersalistycznej, jak i elitarnej, są według autora obciążone błędem kognitokratycznym. W opozycji do nich autor argumentuje na rzecz tezy o podstawowej roli umiejętności politycznej w systemach demokratycznych. Wskazuje również, że punktem wyjścia do rozważań nad znaczeniem tego pojęcia winien być normatywny ideał demokracji inkluzywnej, zakładający powszechność zdolności do kształtowania umiejętności politycznej oraz przekonanie, że owa zdolność może ulegać aktualizacji w samym procesie aktywności politycznej.
Wychodząc od normatywnego ideału demokracji, ugruntowanego w inkluzywnym rozumieniu podmiotu demokracji, autor twierdzi, że w większości koncepcji demokracji kompetencje poznawcze są postrzegane jako podstawowy wymóg upoważniający do udziału w sprawowaniu władzy politycznej. Współczesna debata nad właściwym rozumieniem demokracji koncentruje się na próbach rozstrzygnięcia dylematu między ideą szerokiego uczestnictwa ludu w sprawowaniu władzy a ideałem deliberacyjnym, który zakłada, że władza w tych systemach winna być powierzona wyłącznie osobom o odpowiednich kompetencjach poznawczych. Autor analizuje główne elementy stanowisk kognitokratycznych i wskazuje na potencjalne zagrożenia wynikające z przypisywania kompetencjom poznawczym wyróżnionej roli. Stanowiska tego typu, zarówno w wersji uniwersalistycznej, jak i elitarnej, są według autora obciążone błędem kognitokratycznym. W opozycji do nich autor argumentuje na rzecz tezy o podstawowej roli umiejętności politycznej w systemach demokratycznych. Wskazuje również, że punktem wyjścia do rozważań nad znaczeniem tego pojęcia winien być normatywny ideał demokracji inkluzywnej, zakładający powszechność zdolności do kształtowania umiejętności politycznej oraz przekonanie, że owa zdolność może ulegać aktualizacji w samym procesie aktywności politycznej. ; Taking as the starting the normative ideal of democracy, grounded in an inclusive understanding of the subject point of democracy, the author argues that various concepts of democracy assign particularly important role to cognitive competences and see it as an exclusive entitlement to participate in the exercise of political power in democratic systems. The case in point is contemporary debate on the proper understanding of democracy which focuses on the dilemma between, on the one hand, the idea of broad participation of the people in the democratic governance, and, on the other, the deliberative ideal which presupposes that power in these systems should be entrusted only to people with appropriate cognitive competences. The author analyzes the main elements of "cognitocratic" or "epistocratic" nconceptions and points out to potential perils resulting from the attribution of a prominent role in the theory of democracy to cognitive competences. In opposition to cognitocratic approaches, both in their universalist and elite versions, the author argues that a more adequate understanding of governance in democratic systems should instead be based on the wider category of political ability. He also claims that a novel definition of this category should be informed by the normative ideal of democracy which is based on the recognition of potentially universal capabilities to develop the political ability and that this potential may in fact be activated through the actual participation in democratic politics.
This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act. ; This paper attempts to define and identify mutual relations between the notion of political behaviors and electoral behaviors. The reference point for their operationalization is the particular time of broadly understood political activity, namely the time of an election campaign (or even a permanent campaign). Political behaviors are approached as any form of individual or group involvement in a political process or in any activity producing political outcomes. In terms of individuals – humans, political behaviors are constituted by a reaction of individuals or social groups to the stimuli rooted in political phenomena and processes. It is important to note that like all conscious human behaviors, also political behaviors result from a particular state of consciousness. A slightly narrower category, provided by what we could call a classical approach, are voters' electoral behaviors. These concern the relationship between voters and political parties, and they are expressed, for example, by means of the voting act. Understood in this way, political behaviors facilitate gaining knowledge of the electorate and their evolution. This knowledge allows political parties to adopt optimal strategies at the time of elections and in their parliamentary activity. This paper is an attempt at demonstrating that the electorate's behaviors at the time of a permanent campaign are identical with political behaviors. It is assumed that when the entire political activity boils down to continuous striving for the support of citizens, and the state apparatus – including the decision-making center – is transformed into a tool designed to maintain the popularity of the authorities, all activities in the realm of politics resemble the behaviors that are strictly related to the electoral act.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The article is devoted to the publishing of calendars – a permanent publishing initiative, launched in the first half of the 18th century and continued by the Jesuit priest Franciszek Paprocki (1723–1805) in the University Printing House in the second half of the 18th century. Calendars were among the most widely read publications of those times. Kalendarz Polityczny Wileński (the Political Vilnius Calendar), which was being published for more than 25 years, is presented here. It was regularly advertised in the Vilnius press. News about scientific, geographical and astronomical discoveries, statistical data, information about the socio-political system of the European countries, its rulers, the structure of authorities, constitutions, regulations, the decisions of the Parliament, as well as curiosities, pieces of practical advice and gossip were published in the calendar. The calendar became a valuable source of knowledge which reflected cultural changes on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania in the Age of Enlightenment.
The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior. ; Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych.
Celem serii czterech badań eksploracyjnych i konfirmacyjnych przeprowadzonych w latach 2009, 2011, 2015 i 2017 była identyfikacja struktury postrzegania elektoratów partii politycznych i opracowanie narzędzia do pomiaru tej struktury. Ustalono, że elektoraty partii politycznych są postrzegane przez pryzmat trzech wymiarów osobowości (Uczciwość, Konfliktowość i Podatność na manipulację), światopoglądu i ideologii (Konserwatyzm, Lewicowość vs. Prawicowość) oraz wymiaru oceniającego (Zacofanie vs. Nowoczesność). W badaniach potwierdzono równoważność konfiguracyjną i metryczną struktury postrzegania elektoratów różnych partii oraz ich wartość w wyjaśnianiu preferencji wyborczych. Opracowany model strukturalny oraz walory psychometryczne kwestionariusza otwierają nowe możliwości systematycznych badań empirycznych uwarunkowań zachowań wyborczych. ; The aim of the paper is to establish the structure of the voter's perception of the electorates of various political parties. We conducted an exploratory and confirmatory study using the data collected from voters in 2009, 2011, 2015 and 2017. The structure involved aspects related to human personality traits (Honesty, Disagreeableness, and Susceptibility to Manipulation), worldview and ideology (Conservatism, Left Wing vs. Right Wing), and evaluation (Backwardness vs. Modernity). The study revealed the configural and metric invariance of the structure of the voter's perception of political party electorates. These aspects explain political preferences at an individual level. This is a contribution to current literature that links the voter's perception of electorates to political preferences by presenting a six-factor model established on a valid and reliable psychometric inventory. The model opens up new opportunities for systematic empirical research that will advance our knowledge of the voter's behavior.
From the perspective of the history of political and legal doctrines, the dichotomous way of looking at actuality through the prism of the struggle between realism and idealism is one of the classical approaches to social sciences. The basic source of knowledge for the political realism idea is the achievements of politicians, historians and philosophers, who are often at the same time creators of political and legal thought. In the research on political realism, however, one should, based on subsidiarity, also use the message found in the rhetorical speeches, recorded and preserved until today. Taking these reservations into account, the subject of the article is to analyze – in a rhetorical perspective – the classical political realism, with the simultaneous narrowing of the research field to international relations. The subject of the analysis are selected ancient Greek rhetorical speeches by authors such as Cleon, Diodotus, Pericles, Demosthenes, Andocides, Isocrates and Lysias. ; Z perspektywy historii doktryn polityczno-prawnych dychotomiczny sposób spojrzenia na rzeczywistość przez pryzmat zmagań między realizmem a idealizmem stanowi jedno z klasycznych ujęć nauk społecznych. Podstawowym źródłem poznania idei realizmu politycznego jest dorobek polityków, historyków czy filozofów, którzy często znajdują się jednocześnie w gronie twórców myśli polityczno-prawnej. W badaniach nad realizmem politycznym należy jednak, na zasadzie subsydiarności, korzystać także z przekazu znajdującego się w utrwalonych i zachowanych do dzisiaj mowach retorycznych. Uwzględniając te zastrzeżenia, przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza – w retorycznej optyce – klasycznego realizmu politycznego, z jednoczesnym zawężeniem pola badawczego do stosunków międzynarodowych. Przedmiotem analizy są wybrane starożytne greckie mowy retoryczne takich autorów, jak Kleon, Diodotos, Perykles, Demostenes, Andokides, Izokrates i Lizjasz.
The text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred. ; The text presents remarks on four issues political scientists often take into consideration when reflecting on the borders of their research. The first issue concerns the call to scrutinize the course of legislative procedures, the second one – the need to recognize and note various traditions of political thought in the platforms of political parties and the statements uttered by politicians; the third – the fundamental question of whether political topics are grasped in the structure of sensual perceptions reflected in language; and, finally, the disputable postulate that the philosophy of politics, approached as an element of reflection on political science, clarifies exclusively the notions and concepts applied in the political sciences. These considerations pose problems rather than solve them, and they are completed by a warning that political science should not be developed towards common knowledge, and it should not become increasingly indeterminate and blurred.
The city as a business center is an organization that includes lower-level organizations along with the Internet as well as the necessary techniques and technologies, as well as an attitude towards changes in relations with clients and placed in the natural and social environment.The purpose of the work is to justify that there is still current theorem from Rykla (2006), that The collapse of the world communist system (Second World) at the turn of the seventies and nineties of the twentieth century caused the breakdown of the political and ideological division of the world, which enabled return to the classical model of the core and periphery in the global economy system. The division is perceived in relation to the countries of Western, Central and Eastern Europe. The global economic and political system of the world has also led to the shifting of the center of gravity of development and the pace of the emergence of new cities as business centers to Asian countries (Lipińska 2018). The utilitarian purpose of the work is to initiate work on the cities' compliance with the semi-periphery and periphery of the civilization challenge of countries (and even global cities themselves) that are currently more developed. This view was expressed by Z. Rykiel (2006) claiming that the basis for meeting the civilizational challenge should be to understand that the functions constituting the core of the world system are knowledge, innovation production and management of Z. Rykla (2006). Observing the changes in the global economic and political system, it seems that one should seek an answer to the question: Is the return of the world economic and political system to small cities a form of deep ecology, i.e. a holistic view of the trend and progress in the growth of sustainable urban development seeing man as an individual in a global state? A feature of the research is their repeatability and comparability, which means that the result of the research depends on the assumptions made.Key words: big and small cities; ecological economics; environmental economics; sustainable development; the core of the global economic and political system; semi-periphery of the global economic and political system; the periphery of the global economic and political system; background of the global economic and political system. ; Miasto jako centrum biznesu jest organizacją obejmującą organizacje niższego rzędu wraz z internetem oraz potrzebne techniki i technologie, a także nastawienie na zmiany w relacjach z klientami i umieszczoną w środowisku przyrodniczym i społecznym. Celem pracy jest uzasadnienie, że wciąż jest aktualne twierdzenie Z Rykla (2006 s. 228), iż Upadek światowego systemu komunistycznego (Drugiego Świata) na przełomie lat siedemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. spowodował załamanie się polityczno-ideologicznego podziału świata, co umożliwiło powrót do klasycznego modelu rdzenia i peryferii w systemie gospodarki światowej. Obserwuje się utrwalenie się tego podziału w stosunku do państw Zachodniej, Środowej i Wschodniej Europy. Światowy system ekonomiczno-polityczny świata doprowadził również do przesunięcia się obecnie punktu ciężkości rozwoju oraz tempa powstawania nowych miast jako centrów biznesu do krajów azjatyckich (Lipińska 2018). Celem utylitarnym pracy jest spowodowanie podjęcia prac nad sprostaniem przez miasta semiperyferii i peryferii wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu krajów (a nawet już samych miast globalnych) obecnie wyżej rozwiniętych. Podgląd ten wyraził Z. Rykiel (2006), twierdząc, że podstawą sprostania wyzwaniu cywilizacyjnemu powinno być zrozumienie, że funkcjami konstytuującymi rdzeń systemu światowego są wiedza, wytwarzanie innowacji i zarządzanie Z. Rykla (2006). Obserwując dokonujące się zmiany w światowym systemie ekonomiczno-politycznym wydaje się, że należy poszukiwać odpowiedzi na pytanie: Czy powrót światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego świata do miast małych jest formą głębokiej ekologii, tj. nurtem holistycznego ujęcia i postępem we wzroście zrównoważonego rozwoju miast z punktu widzenia człowieka jako jednostki w państwie globalnym? Cechą badań jest ich powtarzalność i porównywalność, a to oznacza, że wynik badań zależy od przyjętych założeń.Słowa kluczowe: wielkie i małe miasta; ekonomia ekologiczna; ekonomia środowiska; zrównoważony rozwój; rdzeń światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; semiperyferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; peryferie światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego; tło światowego systemu ekonomiczno-politycznego.