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Title from caption. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; From Sept. 1834 to Aug. 1836 published under the superintendence of the Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge.

This thesis examined the impact of political knowledge on forms of political engagement in the United States. Prior literature has established a relationship between political knowledge and political engagement, where those with higher political knowledge were more likely to engage politically through acts such as voting. This study distinguished between the various forms of political engagement and political knowledge, and seeks to provide relevant data on who is more likely to have political knowledge, and what impact having political knowledge has. This served to reexamine trends found in past literature, in order to see if these trends have persisted or changed over time. This study analyzed data from the American National Election Studies (ANES) from 1988-2016 to explore the relationships between political knowledge and political engagement utilizing various regression models. Consistent with past literature, this study found demographic gaps in the distribution of political knowledge, although these gaps appear to be closing. While political knowledge had a strong and significant relationship with voting, the effects of political knowledge did not hold across all forms of engagement. ; 2019-05-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Pol, Scty and Intl Afrs, Schl of ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

--10. Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge, New York. Reply to President Lincoln's letter of 12th June, 1863.--11. Mason, Charles. The election in Iowa.--12. Morse, S.F.B. An argument on the ethica position of slavery in the social system, and it relation to the politics of the day.--14. Hunt, Washington. Speech of ex-Gov. Hunt at Lockport.--15. Parker, A.J. Speech . at the Cooper Institute.--17. Kettell, T.P. The history of the war debt of England; the history of the war debt of the United States, and the two compared.--18. Comstock, G.F. "Let us reason together.--19. The Journal of commerce and commercial, New York. A page of history.--20. Brooks, James. Remarks . in the House Representatives, March 7th [1863].--22. Mable, Manton. Freedom of the press wantonly violated, letter of Mr. Marble to President Lincoln, reappearance of the Journal commerce, opinions of the press on this outrage. ; 1. Society for the Diffusion of Political Knowledge, New York. The Constitution.--2. Turpie, David. Speech . delivered in the Senate of the United States, Feb. 7, 1863.--3. Brooks, James, Speech . December 30, 1862.--4. Crosby, E. N. The letter of a Republican, Edward N. Crosby . to Prof. S.F.B. Morse, Feb. 25, 1863, and Prof. Morse's reply, March 2, 1863.--5. Curtis, G.T. The true conditions of American loyalty: a speech . March 28th, 1863.--6. Emancipation and its results.--7. Seymour, Horatio. Ovation at the Academy of music.--8. Hopkins, J.H. Bible view of slavery.--9. Pugh. G.E. Speech . to 50,000 voters, who nominated Vallandigham, and resolved to elect him governor of Ohio. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.

It is considered that political knowledge is one of the most prominent features of democratic citizenship, which makes its analysis especially relevant in a democratising society. This paper explores the predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Political knowledge was measured by 12 multiple-choice questions pertaining to three areas: everyday politics, the rules of political game and foreign politics. Research participants were 788 fourth-grade students from 25 Belgrade secondary schools. The results show that the level of youth political knowledge is generally low and unevenly distributed among students. Its main predictors are interest in politics, academic achievement, gender and father's interest in politics. Other predictors that are usually regarded as very important (e.g. socioeconomic status, civic education) proved to be non-significant. Although political knowledge is positively correlated with political tolerance, political activism and diffuse political support, the coefficients are very low. The concluding part discusses possible causes of the obtained results.

It is considered that political knowledge is one of the most prominent features of democratic citizenship, which makes its analysis especially relevant in a democratising society. This paper explores the predictors and correlates of youth political knowledge in Serbia. Political knowledge was measured by 12 multiple-choice questions pertaining to three areas: everyday politics, the rules of political game and foreign politics. Research participants were 788 fourth-grade students from 25 Belgrade secondary schools. The results show that the level of youth political knowledge is generally low and unevenly distributed among students. Its main predictors are interest in politics, academic achievement, gender and father's interest in politics. Other predictors that are usually regarded as very important (e.g. socioeconomic status, civic education) proved to be non-significant. Although political knowledge is positively correlated with political tolerance, political activism and diffuse political support, the coefficients are very low. The concluding part discusses possible causes of the obtained results.

There are some subordinates that have a deep understanding of their supervisor's world. More than others, they understand their supervisor's work relationships, preferences, demands, and resources. The goal of this thesis was to predict and test how this collection of strategic and sensitive information, or follower political knowledge, develops. Using the active perspective-taking framework, I focused on a subordinate's motivation, capacity, and opportunity to acquire follower political knowledge. In particular, I hypothesized that key individual, relational, and contextual factors would predict follower political knowledge. Two studies were conducted to test these predictions: a cross-sectional survey of 467 employees and a cross-sectional survey of 174 supervisor-subordinate dyads. Across studies, political skill, leader-member exchange, and supervisors' trust were the strongest predictors of follower political knowledge. The implications of these findings present a case to be made for the role of follower political knowledge in effective followership. ; October 2016

This paper examines cross-national variance in the impact of public and commercial television on citizens' political knowledge level and whether and how that variance may be related to differences in the content of public television broadcast. Multilevel models are used to link micro-level information on citizen knowledge from the European Election Studies of 1999 and 2004 to macro-level information about media systems and how public television operates in different contexts that we compiled from a variety of information sources. We find that exposure to news programs on public and private television channels are both positively associated with political knowledge after stringent controls for possible shared determinants of news exposure and knowledge, but only among less interested citizens. While exposure to news on public television appears to have, on average, a more positive effect than exposure to news on private channels, the difference is not significant and varies greatly across contexts. Public television seems more effective in informing citizens in countries where public television is largely independent of commercial revenue and uses its public funding to provide a particularly large amount of news and information programs for a politically very heterogeneous audience. However, private television appears to have the advantage in countries characterized by the opposite characteristics and relatively lower levels of press freedom. The discussion relates our findings to debates about the virtues of public broadcasting.

Media availability and fragmentation and the resulting possibilities of content selection have risen dramatically with the expansion of new digital media. Previous research has found that this may increase knowledge gaps among citizens with different resources and motivations. This article analyses how Internet use affects political knowledge gaps due to education and to political interest in Spain. As expected, frequent Internet users are more knowledgeable about politics than non-users. Furthermore, Internet use increases knowledge more for the highly educated than for citizens with lower levels of education. Thus, the political knowledge gap related to education seems to be growing with the introduction of new media. However, the knowledge gap between citizens with high and low levels of political interest is smaller for frequent Internet users than for non-users. These findings provide a complex picture and partially contradict the pessimistic theory about the impact of increasing media choice on political knowledge. ; La disponibilidad y fragmentación de medios de comunicación y las posibilidades de elegir contenidos han aumentado en gran medida a raíz de la expansión de los medios digitales. Éstos pueden, según investigaciones anteriores, incrementar las diferencias en los niveles de conocimiento entre ciudadanos con distintas características. En este artículo se analiza cómo el uso de Internet afecta a las diferencias en el conocimiento político según el nivel educativo y el interés por la política en España. Los usuarios frecuentes de Internet saben más sobre política que los no usuarios, como era de esperar. Además, el uso de Internet incrementa el conocimiento político de manera más intensa para los usuarios con niveles educativos más elevados. Por tanto, parece que las diferencias en los niveles de conocimiento pueden estar creciendo con la expansión de los medios digitales. Sin embargo, las diferencias en el nivel de conocimiento de los más y menos interesados en política son menos pronunciadas entre los que usan Internet frecuentemente. Los resultados ofrecen una imagen compleja y matizan las teorías pesimistas sobre el impacto de la creciente posibilidad de elección de contenidos en los medios sobre el conocimiento político.

The political knowledge of citizens is regarded as an important basis of a democracy and has been studied extensively. However, no scale covers relevant theoretically derived dimensions of political knowledge and is accessible for academic research. Therefore, we developed the Hohenheim Inventory of Political Knowledge (HIP) based on the Rasch model. It covers the dimensions (a) general facts (political structures and historical facts) and (b) current issues (topics and actors of various political areas). A German-wide online survey (N = 1,082) revealed satisfactory weightedmean square (WMNSQ) infit values for the 85 items (0.82 <= x <= 1.24) and an expected-a-posteriori/plausible-values (EAP/PV) reliability of .92 for the one-dimensional model and of .91 for both dimensions. The scale was validated: Person scores correlated with political interest, political participation, political information use (criterion validity), and subjective knowledge of our participants (convergent construct validity). We discuss the challenge of adapting the dimension current issues to changing political circumstances and future steps of scale validation.

This article addresses the link between political knowledge and populist attitudes in the United States (US) in comparative perspective. At the beginning of the new decade, populism in the US is associated with support for the Republican party and Donald Trump in particular, and that is how I address it here. Using secondary data from a number of related studies, we find that, overall, support for Trump is not only negatively related to political knowledge, but also to other factors that make his supporters unaware of their being misinformed. This is because, more than for others, partisan cues serve them as a basis for their factual beliefs about political actors and events and assessments of the beliefs of others. While political knowledge has long been comparatively low in the US, as I show in the early part of the article, the relationship between misinformation and populism (i.e., support for Trump) is seen as a new and especially worrisome element. In the concluding section I address what, if anything, could be done to address this situation.

Part 2: eParticipation Implementations ; International audience ; Municipal governments often struggle to inform and engage citizens around local issues. Due to complexities of local politics and the diverse expressions in public and private spheres, citizens face a huge information barrier towards meaningful participation. To overcome such barrier, we explore a solution to provide citizens with clear, useful, and trustworthy information. We describe a framework for accomplishing this goal through issue-based knowledge crystallization. In order to put this framework into test, we devised Community Issue Review (CIR) as a concrete process for crystallizing local political knowledge. CIR is a structured deliberative process that use a citizen panel to conduct analysis of data relevant to a pending issue. We describe CIR in three aspects of its functions: institutional design, deliberative process, and productive outcome. Three special characteristics of CIR are emphasized: (1) fully embedded within local decision-making context; (2) hybrid (face-to-face and online) deliberation; (3) facilitation on collaborative decision-analysis. We present the iterative design of the CIR process and the lessons learned from field practices in a local community.

This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

Almost since its inception, the internet has been seen as a means of reinvigorating political knowledge and engagement among the young. Early studies showed small but significant effects for internet use and increased political knowledge among the young. Using a large, national election survey conducted in Australia in 2013, this paper examines the role of the internet in shaping political knowledge among the young and, in turn, its effects on electoral participation. The results show that use of the internet during an election campaign significantly increases political knowledge among the young, and that such political knowledge enhances the likelihood of turning out to vote. Overall, the results extend the findings of other studies which have demonstrated the potential of the internet to re-engage young people into the political process.

Almost since its inception, the internet has been seen as a means of reinvigorating political knowledge and engagement among the young. Early studies showed small but significant effects for internet use and increased political knowledge among the young. Using a large, national election survey conducted in Australia in 2013, this paper examines the role of the internet in shaping political knowledge among the young and, in turn, its effects on electoral participation. The results show that use of the internet during an election campaign significantly increases political knowledge among the young, and that such political knowledge enhances the likelihood of turning out to vote. Overall, the results extend the findings of other studies which have demonstrated the potential of the internet to re-engage young people into the political process.