Suchergebnisse

Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu MdM-2015-0552 ; Rapidly expanding hydropower development in areas prone to geological and hydro-climatic hazards poses multiple environmental and technological risks. Yet, so far these have received scant attention in hydropower planning processes, and even in the campaigns of most citizen initiatives contesting these dams. Based on qualitative empirical research in Northeast India, this paper explores the reasons why dam safety and hazard potential are often marginal topics in hydropower governance and its contestation. Using a political ecology framework analyzing the production of unequal risks, I argue that a blind-eye to environmental risks facilitates the appropriation of economic benefits by powerful interest groups, while increasing the hazardousness of hydropower infrastructure, accelerating processes of social marginalization. More specifically, this paper brings into analytical focus the role of strategic ignorance and manufactured uncertainty in the production of risk, and explores the challenges and opportunities such knowledge politics create for public resistance against hazardous technologies. I posit that influencing the production of knowledge about risk can create a fertile terrain for contesting hazardous hydropower projects, and for promoting alternative popular conceptions of risk. These findings contribute to an emerging body of research about the implications of hydropower expansionism in the Himalayan hazardscape.

TO OUR KNOWLEDGE, THE RELATIVE GROWTH OF THE ITALIAN PUBLIC SECTOR HAS NOT YET BEEN EXPOSED TO COMPETING THEORIES.1 THIS IS THE TASK OF THIS PAPER WHICH IS ORGANIZED AS FOLLOWS. SECTION 2 DESCRIBES THE SAMPLE PERIOD AND THE DATA; SECTION 3 GIVES A POTTED HISTORY OF THE BASIC TIME SERIES. SECTION 4 TESTS THREE COMPETING HYPOTHESES. SECTION 5 DESCRIBES THE TRANSFER PROCESS. FINALLY, SECTION 6 SUMMARIZES THE MAIN POINTS OF THE PAPER.

In his The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations, Patrick Jackson identifies four distinct ways of studying world politics: 'neopositivism', 'critical realism', 'analyticism' and 'reflexivity'. According to him, they all fall under the broad umbrella of 'science' but they each stem from a distinct philosophical foundation. In his view, which foundation one subscribes to is a matter of faith, which leads him to advocate pluralism. He classifies the underlying philosophical foundations in terms of two criteria: 'mind-world dualism' versus 'mind-world monism' and 'phenomenalism' versus 'transfactualism'. Through a step-by-step analysis of his complex text, I show that what divides (1) neopositivism, (2) analyticism and (3) critical realism and reflexivity (classed together) is not in fact their philosophical foundations but the nature of the questions they ask, each reflecting distinct human interests. Accordingly, while praising Jackson's philosophical vigilance against the dominance of neopositivism, I conclude by pointing to a need to consider the political underpinnings of different modes of knowledge production. Adapted from the source document.

The classical Aristotelean distinction between moral and intellectual virtues has come to us as one of the first explicit conceptualizations of a realm of knowledge and a realm of action. This paper intends to analyze the meaning of that distinction according to an alternative hypothesis, namely, that the moral and intellectual virtues correspond to a profound understanding of the relation between the philosophical and the political life. The analysis will be guided by the relatively unclear relation between phrónesis and sophía, and by the subtle but remarkable differences that Thomas Aquinas introduces in his systematization of virtues, e.g., his explicit flight from this life as the goal of contemplation. Aquinas' understanding of theoría or contemplation will shed light on the basis of Aristotle's concern with virtues—the tension between philosophy and politics that must be mediated by a resourceful prudence. ; La distinción clásica aristotélica entre virtudes morales e intelectual ha llegado a nosotros como una de las primeras conceptualizaciones explícitas de un ámbito de conocimiento y un ámbito de acción. Este artículo pretende analizar el significado de esa distinción según una hipótesis alternativa, a saber, que las virtudes morales e intelectuales corresponden a una profunda comprensión de la relación entre la vida filosófica y la vida política. El análisis se guiará por la relación relativamente poco clara entre phrónesis y sophía, y por las sutiles pero importantes diferencias que Tomás de Aquino introduce en su sistematización de las virtudes, v.g., su explícita huida de esta vida como la meta de la contemplación. La comprensión de Aquino sobre la theoría o contemplación alumbrará la base de la preocupación de Aristóteles por las virtudes: la tensión entre la filosofía y la política que debe ser mediada por una ingeniosa prudencia.

AbstractThis article argues that in order to understand how bodily impressions shape ways of knowing and being, researchers need to enhance claims of positionality through a language of intercorporeality. The notion of positionality is used to indicate the inherent situatedness and partiality of knowledge, but positionality statements also risk affirming a hierarchical narrative structure, leaving out how knowledge is indelibly and dynamically impressed by bodily others, thereby reinscribing researcher authority. Strengthening attempts to resist mastery in doing research, this article theorizes the intercorporeality of research practice on the basis of the bodily experiences of being there, being moved, and being vulnerable. These insights into the intercorporeality of research practice emerge from fieldwork across the West Bank, the Naqab desert, and alongside the Gaza fence. This article argues that intercorporeal vulnerability is at the core of cultivating knowledge, which emerges not only through willful action, but also through nonintentional rapport with objects and (non)human others. Understanding this vulnerability restores a sense of openness and uncertainty by appreciating research practice as always "in excess" of established categories and always just beyond the researcher's positional mastery.

Poststructualism and political philosophy -- The methods of inquiry : Weber and poststructuralism -- Niklas Luhmann, Jacques Derrida and the politics of epistemological closure -- Democracy and personal autonomy -- Marx, Derrida and the politics of emancipation -- Conclusion: The epistemological crisis in contemporary politics

U.S. military policy "Don't Ask Don't Tell" (DADT) restricted integration of gays in the U.S. military based on the premise that knowledge of gay peers would decrease interpersonal bonds among unit members. Despite the heated debate over DADT, this social cohesion thesis, reflecting the tensions of homosocial desire, has not been tested empirically. The Israeli military provides an operative case‐study for this thesis, given its nonexclusionary policy and intensive combat experience. Measures of perceived social cohesion and knowledge of gay peers were obtained from a sample of 417 combat and noncombat male soldiers using an inventory of interpersonal emotions towards unit members. A MANOVA of social cohesion by knowledge of gay peers and combat/noncombat unit yielded the hypothesized increase in cohesion in combat versus noncombat units. Yet contrary to the DADT premise, knowledge of gay peers did not yield decreased social cohesion. Comparisons with the U.S. military are presented, suggesting in both cases a loose coupling between stated policies and soldiers' experience on the ground. Implications of these findings for the reassessment of DADT and its repeal are discussed.

FOUR DIFFERENT COLONIAL POWERS HAVE LEFT THEIR MARK ON THE EVOLUTION OF PALAUAN POLITICAL STRUCTURES, BUT AT NO TIME HAS THAT MARK BEEN AS EMPHATIC THAN DURING AMERICAN RULE. THE COMPACT WITH THE U.S. IS STUDIED, AND ITS SUPPORTERS, AND THE OPPOSITION STUDIED. SOME OPPOSITION TO AMERICANISATION, TO NUCLEAR POLICY, AND ON ACCOUNT OF THE ECOLOGY ARE EXPECTED TO REMAIN. THE COMPACT ISSUE WILL BE AMONG THE FACTORS KEEPING THE PALAUAN POLITICAL SCENE AT THE BOILING POINT UNTIL THE 1984 ELECTIONS.

Within recent years, plurality and difference have been embraced in higher education both by internationalization strategies originating in a neoliberal marked-driven process as well as by counter-ideologies of ethical globalization. The neoliberal transformation has resulted in new ontologies of the university, e.g. "the entrepreneurial university" (Barnett 2012) or "the global university" (Biesta 2011) in its external relation to society defined by its preoccupation with the economic and technical development of society and with matching the needs of the labor marked (e.g.Rhoads and Szelenyi 2011, Arambewela 2010) and internally on the education marked by universities becoming similar because they are playing the same game (Biesta 2011). Furthermore, it has enforced the power structures of the international field of HE defined by flows of people and capital towards the global North and flows of knowledge produced in the North towards the South (Marginson 2008, Calhoun 2006, Altbach 2004). The ontological and structural changes is accompanied by a new epistemological hegemony of "useful" (Peters and Olssen 2005) or "specific, problem-solving knowledge" (Barnett 2012) and by new knowledge authorities such as consultants, professionals and free-lance experts (Barnett 2012). However, critics of the neo-liberal university argue that the university as educator and knowledge producer should engage in a more ethical knowledge production. It is a call for an academic knowledge production that recognizes the challenges of globalization and of the interconnectedness of lives (Rhoads and Szelenyi 2011); that recognizes the world's epistemological diversity (Santos, Nunes, and Meneses 2007); that recognizes and challenges Eurocentric paradigms (Paraskeva 2010) and makes ethical choices "in the shape of academic inquiry" (Barnett 2012, 224). At Aarhus University, the general internationalization strategy is inscribed in a neoliberal ideology and describes the development of intercultural(IC) competence in students as both a means for success in the labor marked and to success for business. The faculty-level internationalization strategies, however, both draw upon neoliberal and more ethically oriented globalization discourses and describes the aim of internationalization in terms such as developing the "flexible knowledge" needed to operate in a globalized world or "global citizenship". However, the relationship between the ideological approaches to internationalization, implied understandings of IC competence and the impact upon inter-epistemological encounters, understood as encounters between people and institutions socialized in or enacting different epistemological frameworks, is not reflected upon. Seeing international higher education as a field structured by neoliberalism at one pole and counter-ideologies of ethical globalization on the other, the paper maps the interaction of these ideologies in the epistemologies at play at three international master programs at Aarhus University and in their visions of IC competence. Drawing upon educational sociology and ethical theory, it is compared to how the "different" knowledge of the other students' is encountered, negotiated, rejected or acknowledged and made use of. Methodology and data The paper draws upon data from three international master programs at Aarhus University. The programs were selected so that they all have diverse student bodies and so that they represent different approaches to internationalization and recruit different kinds of students. The first program is an international business program. It attracts students pursuing a career in an international company. The program started with a vision of creating an international study environment to give the students cultural insights but today, the international aspect relates to the academic content about international business. In the program, about 50 % of the students are international. However, a large number of the international students have a bachelor degree from Aarhus University or other Danish universities. The second program is an interdisciplinary program in Human Security. It attracts students who want to work in aid-oriented organizations or NGOs. It is a collaboration between ethnography, biology, social science and external consultants. About 65 % of the students are international and both international and interdisciplinary cooperation is stressed. The third program is an Erasmus Mundus program in Journalism and Globalization, which offers joint degrees in cooperation with other European universities. Approximately 95 % of the students are international and the international composition of the student body is stressed as an asset. It is emphasized that the teachers speak from a liberal and European perspective but the students are encouraged to challenge it. Data about was produced with several methods: • Classroom observations focusing on epistemologies drawn upon by the lecturers and on how students acknowledge and negotiate knowledge relating to theoretical, methodological, political, cultural and paradigmatic aspects of the program. • In-depth interviews with 20 students reflecting on how knowledge is negotiated between students' different epistemological systems and epistemologies drawn upon in the program. • Policy documents relating to internationalization strategies retrieved from the university's web-page. Theoretical framework The understanding of the field as structured around a neoliberal ideology of competition and marketization on the one hand and a counter-ideology of ethical globalization involving recognition of epistemological diversity on the other calls for a theoretical framework which both encompasses existing power-structures, processes assisting their reproduction and the ethical agency that insists on recognition of difference. In the paper, Bourdieu's educational sociology (e.g. Bourdieu and Passeron 1990, Bourdieu 1989, 1986, 1994, 1977, 1988), his concepts field, habitus, capital and symbolic violence, are therefor drawn upon together with Levinas' understanding of the ethical encounter as an encounter with the other as an other who is not reduced to the same and the experience of that encounter as a trace of the other (e.g. Levinas 1996, Levinas 1986). Findings and discussion Three main types of inter-epistemological encounters are identified: 1: Remaining other: the encounter as traces of the other's knowledge 2: Becoming the same: the encounter as reduction and merger of epistemological positions 3: Rejecting the other: the encounter as reproduction of hegemonic epistemologies Finally, the paper will discuss the relationship between the typologies and the ideological approaches and the embedding of IC competence in neoliberal frameworks as potential barrier to fruitful inter-epistemological encounters. Altbach, P.G. 2004. "Globalization and the University: Myths and realities in an unequal world." Tertiary Education and Management 2 (1):83-110. Arambewela, R. 2010. "Student experience in the globalized Higher Education market: Challenges and Research Imperatives." In Globalization and internationalization in Higher Education: Theoretical, strategic and management perspectives, edited by F. Maringe and N. Foskett, 155-173. London: Continuum Publishing. Barnett, Ronald. 2012. "Liquid Knowledge, Liquid Universities." In Universities in the Knowledge Economy: Higher Education Organization and Global Change, edited by P. Temple. London and NY: Routledge. Biesta, G. 2011. "How useful should the university be? On the rise of the global university and the crisis in Higher Education." Qui Parle 20 (1):35-47. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1977. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1986. "The Forms of Capital." In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, edited by J. Richardson. New York: Greenwood. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1988. Homo Academicus. Cambridge: Polity Press. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1989. "Social Space and Symbolic Power." Sociological Theory 7 (1):14-25. Bourdieu, Pierre. 1994. "Rethinking the State: Genesis and Structure of the Bureaucratic Field." Sociological Theory 12 (1):18. Bourdieu, Pierre, and J.-C. Passeron. 1990. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. 2 ed. London etc: Sage. Calhoun, C. 2006. "The University and the public good." Thesis Eleven 84 (1). Levinas, E. 1996. "Is Ontology Fundamental?" In Emmanuel Levinas: Basic Philosophical Writings, edited by Bernasconi, Critchley and Peperzak, 1-10. Bloomington: Indiana U.P. Levinas, Emmanuel. 1986. "The Trace of the Other." In Deconstruction in Context, edited by Mark Taylor, 345-359. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Marginson, Simon. 2008. "Global field and global imagining: Bourdieu and worldwide higher education." British Journal of Sociology of Education 29 (3):303-15. Paraskeva, J.M. 2010. Unaccomplished utopia: Neoconservative dismantling of public education in the European Union. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. Peters, Michael A., and Mark Olssen. 2005. "'Useful Knowledge': Redefining Research and Teaching in the Learning Economy." In Reshaping the University: New Relationships between Research, Scholarhip and Teaching, edited by Ronald Barnett. Open University Press. Rhoads, R.A., and K. Szelenyi. 2011. Global citizenship and the university: Advancing social life and relations in an interdependent world. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Santos, B.d.S., J.A. Nunes, and J.P. Meneses. 2007. "Opening up the Canon of Knowledge and Recognition of Difference." In Another Knowledge is Possible: Beyond Northers Epistemologies, edited by B.d.S. Santos. London: Verso.

This paper focuses on improving the knowledge of the explanatory keys that establish the relation among the demand for political representation of the citizens, the ideological identification, and the ability of the political parties to respond these demands for representation. A conceptualization is proposed, to measure the degree of fit between these concepts. Three measurement strategies are applied: the topological operationalization, the operationalization through ideological labeling and the measurement of positioning toward political issues. The conclusion remarks the convenience of making use of mixed designs, capable of taking advantage of the potential of each of the measurement strategies. ; Este artículo se centra en mejorar el conocimiento de las claves explicativas que relacionen la demanda de representación política de la ciudadanía, la identificación ideológica y la capacidad de los partidos de responder a dicha demanda de representación. Se plantea una propuesta de conceptualización que mida el grado de ajuste entre dichos conceptos. Se aplican tres estrategias de medición, la operativización topológica, la operativización mediante etiquetado ideológico y la medición de posicionamiento ante temáticas políticas, y se concluye con la conveniencia de utilizar diseños mixtos capaces de aprovechar la potencialidad de cada una de ellas.

UNDERLINES: This article presents the process of restoring historical memory developed by the Centre for Intervention and Social Research (CIISETS), with inhabitants of Vicente Pérez Rosales, Chillán (Chile). The historical context in which the struggle for own housing originated in this city; describes the methodological process carried out to reconstruct the various historical elements that combine the start and consolidation of the land; the theoretical components questioning the hegemonic logic of knowledge building are analysed; it also discusses the ethical and political implications for the practice of social work, from a critical and emancipating perspective. In conclusion, reflections are made on the process carried out and its implications for critical social work; the population movement for housing, and its correlate with political participation and awareness; and finally, the performance of public universities in the generation of knowledge located. ; RESUMEN: Este artículo presenta el proceso de recuperación de la memoria histórica desarrollado por el Centro de Intervención e Investigación Social (CIISETS), con habitantes de la población Vicente Pérez Rosales, de Chillán (Chile). Se sitúa el contexto histórico en el que nació la lucha por la vivienda propia en esta ciudad; se describe el proceso metodológico efectuado para reconstruir los diferentes elementos históricos que conjugan el inicio y la consolidación de las tomas del territorio; se analizan los componentes teóricos que cuestionan las lógicas hegemónicas de construcción de conocimiento; y se debate acerca de las implicancias ético-políticas para la praxis del trabajo social, desde una perspectiva crítica y emancipadora. A modo de conclusión, se reflexiona sobre el proceso realizado y sus implicaciones para el trabajo social crítico; el movimiento poblador para la vivienda, y su correlato con la participación y la conciencia política; y, por último, el desempeño de las universidades públicas en la generación de conocimiento situado.

This article studies support and concern for the Palestinian people in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing on influence of the variables political self-positioning and knowledge about the conflict, and of the indices of knowledge of the Arab world, direct contact and acceptance of relations with Arab people. Data from an online survey, carried out in July 2020, mainly by Spanish and Argentinian people, were analyzed through multiple linear and logistic regression models. In the analysis, it has been verified that exerts the greatest influence on the support and concern for Palestinians people is knowledge about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which should be taken into account in the design and implementation of awareness strategies. Another remarkable result is that older people and also those who tend to be left-wing express greater support and concern for the Palestinian people. ; El presente artículo estudia el apoyo y la preocupación por el pueblo palestino en el marco del conflicto palestino-israelí, abordando la influencia de las variables autoubicación política y conocimiento sobre dicho enfrentamiento, y de los índices sobre el conocimiento del mundo árabe, el contacto directo y la aceptación de relaciones con personas árabes. Se analizaron los datos de una encuesta online, realizada en julio de 2020, principalmente por españoles y argentinos, a través de modelos de regresión lineal múltiple y logística. Se ha comprobado que el factor que mayor influencia ejerce sobre el apoyo y la preocupación por el pueblo palestino es el conocimiento acerca del conflicto palestino-israelí, lo cual debería ser tenido en cuenta en el diseño e implementación de estrategias de sensibilización. Asimismo, las personas de mayor edad y que tienden a ubicarse en la izquierda política expresan mayor apoyo y preocupación por el pueblo palestino.

International audience ; The article aims to address and explore the apparent neglect of the quiz show in television and cultural studies by focusing on the programme Who Wants To Be A Millionaire(1998–, UK). Existing work in the field emerged in the late 1970s/early 1980s, and this article argues that a key reason for critical neglect of the quiz show is the centrality of 'class' in the genre – a focus which has increasingly receded from view in television and cultural studies. The article operates under the assumption that as television studies develops a longer history of critical and theoretical approaches to the medium, it becomes crucial to respond to innovations by developing 'new' methodological approaches and to reconsider the relevance and dynamics of existing models. In this respect, an analysis of Millionairesuggests that the emphasis on 'class', work and production remains central to the quiz show, and its political and ideological significance.