Suchergebnisse

Politična participacija je ključnega pomena za delovanje in razvoj koncepta demokracije, saj predstavlja orodje, prek katerega lahko državljani izvajajo pritiske na politično elito. To vlogo zavzema poleg konvencionalne tudi nekonvencionalna politična participacija. Osrednji poudarek bo namenjen protestni participaciji, ki se najpogosteje opredeljuje kot ena izmed kompleksnejših oblik kolektivne akcije, skozi katero državljani najvidneje izražajo svoja prepričanja, hkrati pa najbolj jasno odraža nezadovoljstvo državljanov. Osredotočili se bomo na protestno participacijo v obdobju ekonomske krize, ki je leta 2008 zajela države Evropske unije. V okviru empirične analize se tako osredotočamo na dejavnike, ki so v zastavljenem obdobju privedli do izbruha protestne participacije, pri čemer nas zanimajo predvsem različne kombinacije vzročnih poti, ki jih ti dejavniki tvorijo. Ključno raziskovalno vprašanje se nanaša na možne kombinacije pogojev, ki v obdobju ekonomske krize rezultirajo v prisotnosti ali odsotnosti protestov v državah EU. Te kombinacije tvorijo naslednji dejavniki: materialna deprivacija, brezposelnost, razvitost civilne družbe in razvitost demokracije. Empirična analiza temelji na kvalitativni primerjalni analizi (QCA) oziroma bolj specifično na crisp-set QCA. Slednjo se uporablja za obdelavo kompleksnejših binarnih podatkov, pri čemer je cilj poenostavitev teh podatkovnih struktur v preprost in logičen zapis. S pomočjo izbrane metode analize smo prišli do ugotovitve, da do zastavljenega izida ne vodi le en sam pogoj ali ena sama kombinacija pogojev, temveč nastane več raznolikih vzročnih poti, ki lahko rezultirajo tako v odsotnosti kot v prisotnosti izida (protestnih akcij). ; Political participation is crucial for the functioning and development of the concept of democracy, as it represents a communication tool through which citizens can exert pressure on the political elite. Besides the conventional form, unconventional political participation has this role, too. The main focus will be on protest participation, which is most often identified as one of the more complex forms of collective action, through which citizens most visibly express their beliefs ; at the same time it reflects dissatisfaction of citizens most transparently. The highlight will therefore be on protest participation in the period of economic crisis affecting the countries of the European Union since 2008. In the context of the empirical analysis we focus on factors that led to an outbreak of protest participation within the set period. We are particularly interested in the various combinations of causal paths formed by these factors. The key research question therefore refers to the possible combinations of conditions, resulting in the presence or in the absence of protests in EU countries in times of economic crisis. These combinations are formed by the following factors: material deprivation, unemployment, development of civil society and development of democracy. Empirical analysis is based on qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) or more specifically on the crisp-set QCA. The latter is used to process more complex binary data, the aim being to simplify these data structures into a simple and logical notation. By using the selected method of analysis, we came to the conclusion that not only one condition or a single combination of conditions leads to the set outcome. Rather there emerges a variety of causal paths, which can result in both the absence and in the presence of the outcome (protest actions).

The economic recession has exerted an important influence on the livesof the population in the European Union. Since 2008, when initial indications of the recession appeared,unemployment and poverty have increased in most member states of the European Union. Many European and national strategic documents were exposed; one of the key non-economic factors in easing out of a recession is investment in the development of knowledge. Political opinion regarding the important role of knowledge in solving problems of the economic recession raises the question of actual change in this area. In this paper, an understanding of the role of adult education in economic development (as oulined in the European strategic documents) is demonstrated, and in opposition to the same, an analysis of participation (and obstacles) in adult education at the beginning of the economic recession is pursued. ; Gospodarska recesija je pomembno zaznamovala življenje prebivalcev Evropske unije. Od leta 2008, ko se pojavijo prvi znaki recesije, sta se povečali brezposlenost in revščina v večini članic Evropske unije. Številni evropski in nacionalni strateški dokumenti so kot enega ključnih neekonomskih instrumentov izhoda iz recesije omenjali vlaganje v izobraževanje. Prepričanje politikov o pomembni vlogi izobraževanja pri reševanju gospodarske recesije pa odpira vprašanje o dejanskih spremembah na tem področju. V prispevku je na eni strani prikazano razumevanje vloge izobraževanja odraslih pri gospodarskem razvoju v evropskih strateških dokumentih in na drugi strani vključenost odraslih v izobraževanje in ovire pri tem ob začetku gospodarske recesije.

V pričujoči raziskavi smo preučili strukturo, dejavnike in posledice politične kulture in državljanske participacije v postjugoslovanskih družbah. Uporabljenih je bilo več virov kvantitativnih podatkov, med drugim raziskava 2.178 študentov družboslovja v osmih postjugoslovanskih entitetah (M starost = 19,8 leta, SD = 1,89) ; reprezentativni vzorci Evropske raziskave vrednot (2008) ; pretekli valovi Svetovne raziskave vrednot (1995/8) in podatki raziskave jugoslovanske mladine (Jupio, 1986). Analiza na agregatni ravni je pokazala, da so v socioekonomsko manj razvitih okoljih (Kosovo, BiH in NJR Makedonija) v večji meri prisotni elementi podložniške politične kulture (Almond in Verba, 1963), v okviru katere so se kot ključni elementi na individualni ravni izkazali avtoritarnost, splošni tradicionalizem, tradicionalni pogled na spolne vloge in nacionalizem. Medentitetne razlike na merah ekonomske kulture (ekonomski egalitarizem in državni paternalizem) so povečini majhne in statistično neznačilne, saj vse entitete na obeh indikatorjih dosegajo visoke povprečne vrednosti. V skladu s predvidevanji dopolnjene modernizacijske teorije je demokratična politična kultura bolj koherentna v socioekonomsko bolj razvitih postjugoslovanskih državah, v nasprotju s teorijo pa manj razvite države dosegajo višje povprečne ravni državljanske participacije. Starost in socioekonomski status sta se izkazala za najmočnejša sociodemografska dejavnika politične kulture in državljanske participacije. Višje stopnje učinkovite demokracije (Inglehart in Welzel, 2007) dosegajo socioekonomsko bolj razvite države, ki izkazujejo tudi najvišje stopnje demokratične politične kulture. Longitudinalna analiza ni pokazala enotne smeri političnokulturnih sprememb ; slednje so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih bile v smeri večanja tako demokratičnih kot tudi nekaterih podložniških orientacij (npr. avtoritarnosti). Avtorji sklenejo, da proces demokratične konsolidacije, tako političnokulturne kot tudi institucionalne, v večini postjugoslovanskih družb še ni končan. Na koncu so predstavljene implikacije raziskave. ; The present study examined structures, determinants and consequences of political culture and citizen participation in post-Yugoslav societies. Several empirical data sources were employed, among others a survey of 2,178 social science students in eight post-Yugoslav entities (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) ; representative samples from European Values Study (2008), earlier waves of World Values Survey (1995/8) and a study of Yugoslav youth Jupio carried out in 1985. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed entities (Kosovo, BiH, and FYR Macedonia) scored higher on subject political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which was at the individual level found to be characterized by its four core components: authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, and nationalism. Between-country differences on measures of economic cultural orientations (economic egalitarianism and state paternalism) were largely minor or insignificant, since all entities scored high on both measures. As predicted by revised modernization theory democratic political culture was found to be more coherent in socioeconomically more developed post-Yugoslav countries. Inconsistent with modernization approach results demonstrated higher levels of citizen participation in less well-off countries. Age and socioeconomic status proved to be the most potent sociodemographic predictors of political culture and citizen participation. Finally, democracy was found to be more effective (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007) in socioeconomically more developed countries, which also scored highest on measures of democratic political culture. Longitudinal analysis did not uniformly confirm substantive political culture changes with changes in the last two decades taking place in both democratic as well as authoritarian direction. Authors conclude that the process of democratic consolidation, both political-cultural as well as institutional, is far from over in the majority of post-Yugoslav entities. Implications of the results are discussed.

Predstavniška demokracija se je v zgodovini soočala s številnimi izzivi. Kljub temu da je izjemno fleksibilen pojav in da se je ob pojavu krize poskuša prilagoditi, pa se zaradi krize predstavniške demokracije pojavljajo različne ideologije. Osnovni namen dela je predstaviti razvoj predstavniške demokracije in populizem kot pojav, ki je nastal kot posledica težav znotraj predstavniške demokracije. V prvem delu bodo prikazani predstavniška demokracija, različni modeli ter ključni aparati predstavniške demokracije. V drugem delu sledijo kazalci krize predstavniške demokracije v Evropi ter izzivi, s katerimi se sooča. V zadnjem delu bo govora o ideologiji populizma, ki je predvsem v zadnjih dveh desetletjih doživel razcvet, zlasti v evropskih državah. S primerjavo levičarskega populističnega primera in desničarskega populističnega primera bo laže razumeti koncept populizma, ki ima v evropskem prostoru velik pomen. Ugotovili smo, da je populizem pomemben člen demokracije, in sicer predvsem na področjih participacije in mobilizacije ljudi. Populizem na oblasti pokaže drug obraz, takrat lahko postane dejavnik, ki kakovost demokracije slabša. ; Representative democracy has faced many challenges in the past. Despite the fact that it is an extremely flexible phenomenon and that it seeks to adjust in the event of a crisis, various ideologies occur because of the crisis of representative democracy. The main purpose of the master's thesis is to present the development of representative democracy and populism as a phenomenon that emerged as a result of problems within representative democracy. In the first part representative democracy, various models and key apparatus of representative democracy will be presented. The second part shows the indicators of the crisis of representative democracy in Europe and the challenges it faces. In the final part, we will discuss the ideology of populism, which has been booming particularly in the last two decades and especially in European countries. By comparing the left-wing populist example and the right-wing populist example, it will be easier to understand the concept of populism, which has great significance in the European area. We have found that populism is an important part of democracy, especially in the fields of participation and mobilization of people. Populism in power shows another face, then it can become a factor that worsenes the quality of democracy.

Demokracija je sistem, je paradigma, ki se je brez volitev in udeležbe volivcev, že zaradi njene izvorne filozofske in družbene ideje ne da vzpostaviti in uresničiti. Ni je mogoče in tudi smelo se je ne bi vpeljati kot družbeni red kar tako, samo po sebi, kot še eno avtoritarno možnost z dejanjem avtoritarnega posameznika ali ozke skupine. Če je vzpostavljena, pa je v njenem temeljnem izhodišču, ki sloni na doslednem spoštovanju človekovih pravic, svoboščin in pravičnosti, niti ni mogoče v celoti uresničiti. Kot družbenopolitična pojavna oblika se namreč kaže kot sistem posredne ali neposredne vladavine njenega izvornega nosilca. Neposredna prihaja v konflikt z njeno dejansko uporabnostjo za vsa področja moderno strukturirane družbe, posredna se globoko in neizogibno oddaljuje od njenega bistva in smisla. Kljub temu so demokratične volitve še vedno temeljni, družbenosistemski element in pogoj za vzpostavitev demokratične družbe, zato se od tako vzpostavljenega sistema kot celote utemeljeno pričakuje, da bo volivcem in kandidatom v polni meri omogočil uresničiti njihovo ustavno in mednarodnopravno uveljavljeno volilno upravičenje in poslanstvo, druge upravičeno vpletene subjekte pa v skladu z demokratičnimi volilnimi standardi zadolžil za njihovo demokratično izvedbo, kontrolo in nadzor. Ker uresničevanje volilne pravice na volišču kot klasična oblika volitev s prihodom volivcev v »volilno urejen prostor ali stavbo« in oddajo papirnatih glasovnic v volilno skrinjo počasi, a zanesljivo izgublja svojo družbeno in politično funkcijo kot temeljni pogoj za njeno izvrševanje, je temeljna hipoteza predstavljene naloge zastavljala vprašanje, ali je tradicionalno volišče kot prostor in pravna kategorija uresničevanja ustavnega načela ljudske suverenosti in demokratične oblasti (še vedno) ustrezno zakonsko regulirano in ali zaradi novih načinov in tehnologij glasovanja ta njegova vloga postaja ustavno sporna. ; Democracy is a system, a paradigm which, due to its philosophical and social idea, cannot be established and realised without elections and voters' participation. It cannot and should not be introduced as a social system just like that, spontaneously, as another authoritarian option carried out by an authoritarian individual or a select group. However, when it is established, it cannot be fully realised in its fundamental starting point based on a consistent regard for human rights, freedoms and justice. As a socio-political phenomenon it appears as a system of direct or indirect reign of its original holder. It is directly in immediate conflict with its virtual practicability in all spheres of a modern structured society and indirectly it deeply and inevitably deviates from its essence and meaning. Nevertheless, democratic elections are still a fundamental social system element and a condition for the establishment of a democratic society. Therefore it is reasonable to expect from the established system as a whole to enable the voters and candidates to fully realize their constitutional and internationally established electoral entitlement and mission and to make it possible for the other legitimately involved subjects to be charged with their democratic implementation, control and supervision in accordance with democratic electoral standards. Since the exercise of voting rights at the polling station as a classic form of elections with the arrival of voters in an "electoral space or building" and the delivery of paper ballots in the electoral box slowly but doubtless loses its social and political function as a fundamental condition for its implementation, the fundamental hypothesis of the presented task raised the question whether the traditional polling place as a space and the legal category of the implementation of the constitutional principle of the people's sovereignty and democratic authority are (still) suitably legally regulated, or this role is becoming constitutionally controversial due to new methods and technologies of voting.

Informacijska družba nam danes omogoča enostaven, učinkovit in varen dostop do raznovrstnih informacij, kjerkoli in kadarkoli jih potrebujemo, zato tudi poskusi uvedbe informacijskih rešitev na področje izvrševanja ene od najbolj temeljnih demokratičnih pravic – volitev niso nobena izjema. Implementacija interneta v volilni proces ne prinaša le vprašanj s področja sociološko-politološkega in tehničnega okolja, ampak tudi z vidika legitimnosti takega postopka. V magistrskem delu povzamem razvoj elektronskega poslovanja v javni in državni upravi, pojem elektronskih volitev, poskuse vpeljave elektronskih volitev in dobre prakse v Sloveniji, na Norveškem in v Kanadi ter razložimo postopek glasovanja na prvih uspešno izvedenih internetnih volitvah na svetu – v Estoniji. Analizirani so pomisleki in dileme, kot tudi prednosti, ki jih prinaša vpeljava elektronskih volitev. Uvedba elektronskih volitev med drugim pomeni možnost za zmanjšanje stroškov v volilnem procesu, predvsem pa zaustavitev trenda upadanja volilne udeležbe, ki je pereč problem vseh zahodnih demokracij. Zagotavljanje varnosti, transparentnosti in tajnosti je težava, zaradi katere sta vpeljava in uporaba elektronskih volitev še vedno vprašljivi. Rešitev vidim v tehnologiji veriženja podatkovnih blokov, ki nam zaradi narave svojega sistema omogoča implementacijo elektronskih volitev. Glede na dosedanji tehnološki napredek in pozitivno naravnanost širše javnosti za sprejemanje tehnologije veriženja podatkovnih blokov je mogoče sklepati, da je elektronsko glasovanje le še klik stran od realne uvedbe, vendar v podporo tradicionalnemu načinu glasovanja tako doma kot v tujini. ; Today, the information society provides easy, effective and safe access to various information wherever and whenever we need them ; therefore, attempts to introduce information technology solutions to the field of executing one of the basic democratic rights – elections are no exception. The implementation of internet into the electoral process does not only give rise to socio-political and technical questions, but also from the perspective of legitimacy of such proceedings. In the master's thesis, I summarize the development of e-commerce in the public and state administration, the concept of electronic elections, attempts of the introduction of electronic elections and examples of good practices in Slovenia, Norway and Canada, and explain the voting process at the first internet elections in the world – in Estonia. We analyse the concerns and dilemmas, as well as advantages of the implementation of electronic elections. Among others, the introduction of electronic elections also means a possibility to reduce the costs during the electoral process, but mostly it puts a stop to the downward trend of voting participation, which is a pressing problem of all Western democracies. Ensuring safety, transparency and secrecy is a problem that puts the introduction and execution of electronic election under question. In my opinion, the solution is blockchain technology. The nature of its system enables the implementation of electronic elections. Due to the technological progress so far and positive attitude of the general public in terms of accepting the blockchain technology, we can assume that electronic voting is only a click away from reality, but only to support the traditional way of voting, at home as well as abroad.