Suchergebnisse

Introduction: Radical Democracy and Twentieth-Century French Thought / Christopher Holman, Martin Breaugh, Rachel Magnusson, Paul Mazzocchi, and Devin Penner -- Part 1: The Forebearers of the Return of Radical Democracy -- Hannah Arendt: Plurality, Publicity, Performativity / Christopher Holman -- Politics a l'ecart: Merleau-Ponty and the Flesh of the Social / Paul Mazzocchi -- The Counter-Hobbes of Pierre Clastres / Miguel Abensour -- Part 2: The Critique of Totalitarianism and the Emergence of Radical Democratic Thought -- Claude Lefort: Democracy as the Empty Place of Power / Carlo Invernizzi Accetti -- Cornelius Castoriadis: Auto-Institution and Radical Democracy / Brian C.J. Singer -- Guy Debord and the Politics of Play / Devin Penner -- Part 3: New Directions and Possibilities in Radical Democratic Thought -- A Politics in Writing: Jacques Ranciere and the Equality of Intelligences / Rachel Magnusson -- Democracy and Its Conditions: Etienne Balibar and the Contribution of Marxism to Radical Democracy / James D. Ingram -- From a Critique of Totalitarian Domination to the Utopia of Insurgent Democracy: On the "Political Philosophy" of Miguel Abensour / Martin Breaugh.

1 Introduction: persuasive speaking and evoking political behavior / Ofer Feldman -- Part I Persuasive leadership: emotion, style, and identity in national and international arenas -- 2 Gender, emotion and political discourse: masculinity, femininity and populism / Carol Johnson -- 3 What makes a speech effective? Netanyahu's and Obama's SPECtrum of Rhetoric Intelligences (SPEC/RI) in United Nations speeches 2009-2012 / Michelle Stein Teer -- 4 Xi Jinping's governance philosophy and language style: analysis of the Chinese leader's speeches / Jianxin Wang -- 5 The French state of emergency: marginalization of the Muslim minority as a consequence of state self-legitimation / Bruno Mendelski -- Part II Evoking behavior: the rhetoric of presidential inauguration, televised interview, and election campaign -- 6 Battling for America's soul: Donald Trump, invited behavior, and the midterm elections of 2018 / Michael Alan Krasner --

THE NOTION OF "RIGHTS" IN MILL'S UTILITARIANISM IS EXAMINED AS A MEANS OF CLARIFYING HIS PRINCIPLE OF LIBERTY AS OUTLINED IN ON LIBERTY. THIS PRINCIPLE IS BEST SEEN AS DEFENDING INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM UNLESS A PERSON'S ACTIONS INJURE THE RIGHTS OF OTHERS. THIS DEFENSIVE APPROACH TO FREEDOM IS SUPPLEMENTED BY AN ASSERTIVE VIEW OF MAN AS AN INDEPENDENT, SPONTANEOUS DEVELOPING CHARACTER.

Recent years have seen a certain impatience with John Rawls's approach to political philosophy and calls for the discipline to move beyond it. One source of dissatisfaction is Rawls's idea of a well-ordered society. In a recent article, Alex Schaefer has tried to give further impetus to this movement away from Rawlsian theorizing by pursuing a question about well-ordered societies that he thinks other critics have not thought to ask. He poses that question in the title of his article: "Is Justice a Fixed Point?." Though Schaefer is critical of Rawlsian political theorizing, I shall contend that his arguments also suggest two paths forward for those who would follow the Rawlsian approach. First, the intellectual devices Schaefer deploys help those who would continue the Rawlsian project to see, and precisely to chart, the next step that that project needs to take—a step necessitated by a concession Rawls himself made late in the development of political liberalism. Second, the clarity and economy with which Schaefer lays out his alternative to the Rawlsian approach make it possible to state some fundamental Rawlsian challenges to a form of theorizing that has considerable appeal to many critics of that approach.

This book presents a comprehensive study of Oakeshott's conception of political activity. The author first examines Oakeshott in the contexts of liberal, conservative and Idealist thought, and then presents a detailed interpretation of the change in his conception of politics in the context of British postwar political thought. It is argued that Oakeshott's conception of political activity shifted from a near contempt of politics towards the applauding of politics as a deliberative and refle ...

From the raw egalitarian Quranic narratives on the idea of justice to the varied aspects of the prophetic idea of the polis, the genre of political thought has emerged as an extension of the larger epistemic worldview of Islam. The relationship between the ruler and the ruled has remained, for long, a part of a larger political project of Muslim imagination a nd a theoretical framework for political thinking. Yet, sub-genres like al-Âdāb As-Sulṭāniyya (literature of Sultanic ethics) and other concepts such as Hisba have not been generally well served by scholarship except within rather narrow constraints of the political history insofar as only a small number of individual thinkers have been the focus of particular interest. Basic research and monographic studies in the field of al-Âdāb As-Sulṭāniyya have generally been rather sparse. Consequently, systematic and synthetic studies – as opposed to summary statements – have been few and far between. This review article is part of the researcher's larger project to excavate a few works in the genre of al-Âdāb As-Sulṭāniyya and investigate the development of this field in the classical period. Classical Islamic political thought was not an independent field of study, and its contributions can be found in different types of writing that span three disciplines with distinct methods, aims, orientations and conclusions. These disciplines are: fiqh, such as al-Ahkam As-Sulṭāniyya w'al-Wilayat al-Diniyya by al-Māwardī; Islamic philosophy such as al-Madina al-Fadila by al-Farabi; and al-Âdāb As-Sulṭāniyya (the main focus of this article). For instance, unlike al-Ahkām As-Sulṭāniyya books, al-Âdāb As-Sulṭāniyya does not deal with fiqh and legal issues related to the legitimacy of authority i.e., when a sultan should be removed from his position, and how he can be appointed. And unlike the philosophy concentration on the city like in al-Mādīna al-Fādila

The aim of the article is to study the problems of intolerance in the Young Democracies of the EU on the example of Estonia and Latvia. The article is prepared on the basis of methodologies of neo-institutionalism, axiological (value) approach and comparative method. It has been proven that at the institutional level in Estonia and Latvia there is an understanding of the importance of preventing and combating intolerance. At the same time, in practice in these states there are manifestations of intolerance. An urgent problem is the rise of hate speech in political discourse. Tolerance towards members of sexual minorities remains acute, especially in Latvia. There has been some progress by Estonia in combating intolerance with regard to legalization for same-sex couples in civil partnerships. It is noted that the level of intolerance of Estonian society is significantly influenced by the political course of the ruling party EKRE. The author of the article argues that the voting of a significant number of Estonians and Latvians for parties that support anti-Semitic, xenophobic, homophobic, neo-racism, misogynistic ideas, shows the lack of stability of liberal-democratic values in the political and legal culture of the population. The state policy of the analyzed Baltic countries on combating intolerance covers only a part of the problems, and a number of others are silenced or openly ignored. The legal framework of Estonia and Latvia is not fully in line with EU law. Some EU recommendations on minimizing situations conducive to the spread of intolerant practices have not been implemented by Estonia and Latvia. As the range of problems of the quality of democracy in the EU countries has been steadily expanding in the last decade, their study remains a relevant area for political science. The article is theoretical in type using empirical data.

This essay aims to refute the influential argument, made famous by Jean Starobinski & recently restated by Michael Sandel, that Rousseau's political thought aims at transparency, in which citizens understand each other immediately, unambiguously, & without distortion. Whatever transparency Rousseau fosters in the political sphere may safely be characterized as limited & more boldly as a lie. Rousseau favors the appearance of transparency because it bolsters patriotism but does not favor real transparency because it is dangerous to seek among equals & impossible to realize among unequals. Though Sandel may be right to criticize Rousseau's "unitary" republicanism, his own "pluralistic" republicanism fails even to take into account Rousseau's argument that proponents of openness conflate the conditions of philosophy & community & propose to benefit the few at the expense of the many. Adapted from the source document.

В системе современного политического знания происходит усиление статуса политической философии. Актуальными для современности оказываются идеи свободы и ответственности, интерсубъектности, недопустимости атрофии понимания, осознания и деятельностного подхода. ; In the modern system of political knowledge the strength of political philosophy status is being amplified. Ideas of freedom and responsibility, intersubjectivity, inadmissibility of atrophy understanding, perception and active approach have become relevant for the modernity.

The article is dedicated to the problems of European political identity and European identity as a whole conception and as a foundation for European integration. Before 24 February 2022, European political identity had been in crisis. The contradictions between the EU member states seemed to be hardly resolvable. The Russian aggression against Ukraine gave a strong impetus to the formation of European identity. However, it is still a negative incentive for unity and solidarity rather than cohesion around positive values, as well as from the outset the European integration was caused by devastating World War II as a negative experience, which should never be repeated. The text makes use of methods peculiar to the philosophical sciences, i.e. critical textual analysis, historical-analytical and comparative methods.

"In the wake of controversial disclosures of classified government information by WikiLeaks and Edward Snowden, questions about secrecy and the legitimacy of political institutions is rarely far from the headlines. Furthermore, state secrecy persists both in the foreign and domestic policy of democratic states, in the form of classified intelligence programs, espionage, secret military operations, diplomatic discretion, closed-door political bargaining, and bureaucratic opacity. This book explores important philosophical questions and issues surrounding democratic secrecy, above all whether the state's claim to restrict access to information can be justified. Dorota Mokrosinka examines the democratic status of secret uses of political power, arguing that secrecy is in fact a fundamental form of democratic governance, rather than an exception, and that secrecy protects the integrity of the democratic decision-making process. Examples such as the Manhattan Project, the Iraq war, collaboration between international secret services, secret voting and the Wiki-Leaks and Snowden disclosures are used throughout the book. State Secrecy and Democracy: A Philosophical Inquiry is essential reading for those in political philosophy, ethics, politics, international relations and security studies and law"--

Even though Belgrade student protests emerged and ended abruptly after only
seven days in June of 1968, they came as a cumulative point of a decade-long
accumulated social dissatisfaction and antagonisms, as well as of
philosophical investigations of the unorthodox Marxists of the Praxis school
(Praksisovci). It surprised the Yugoslav authorities as the first massive
rebellion after WWII to explicitly criticize rising social inequality,
bureaucratization and unemployment and demand free speech and abolishment of
privileges. This article focuses on the intellectual destiny and legacy of
the eight professors from the Faculty of Philosophy close to the Praxis
school, who were identified as the protests? instigators and subsequently
expelled from the University of Belgrade due to their ?ethico-political
unsuitability?. Under both international and domestic pressure, they were
later reemployed in a separate research unit named the Centre for Philosophy
and Social Theory, where they kept their critical edge and argued for
political pluralism. From the late 1980s onwards, they and their colleagues
became politically active and at times occupied the highest positions in
Serbia - Dragoljub Micunovic as one of the founders of the modern Democratic
Party and the Speaker of the Parliament, former Serbian President and Prime
Minister Vojislav Kostunica and former Prime Minister late Zoran Djindjic.
Still, while some members became strong anti-nationalists and anti-war
activists, other embraced Serbian nationalism, therefore pivoting the
intellectual split into the so called First and Second Serbia that marked
Serbian society during the 1990s and remained influential to this day.

"Kant's defence of religion and attempts to reconcile faith with reason position him as a moderate Enlightenment thinker in existing scholarship. Challenging this view and reconceptualising Kant's religion along rationalist lines, Anna Tomaszewska sheds light on its affinities with the ideas of the radical Enlightenment, originating in the work of Baruch Spinoza and understood as a critique of divine revelation. Distinguishing the epistemological, ethical and political aspects of such a critique, Tomaszewska shows how Kant's defence of religion consists of rationalizing its core tenets and establishing morality as the essence of religious faith. She aligns him with other 17th-century rationalists and German Spinozists and reveals the significance for contemporary political philosophy. Arguing that by prioritizing freedom of thought, and hence religious criticism, over an unqualified freedom of belief, Kant's theology approximates the secularising tendency of the radical Enlightenment. Here is an understanding of how the shift towards a secular outlook in Western culture was shaped by attempts to rationalize rather than uproot Christianity."--

We live in critical times. We face a global crisis in economics and finance, a global ecological crisis, and a constant barrage of international disputes. Perhaps most dishearteningly, there seems to be little faith in our ability to address such difficult problems. However, there is also a more positive sense in which these are critical times. The world's current state of flux gives us a unique window of opportunity for shaping a new international order that will allow us to cope with current and future global crises.In Critical Theory in Critical Times, eleven of the most distinguished critical theorists offer new perspectives on recent crises and transformations of the global political and economic order. Essays from Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Cristina Lafont, Rainer Forst, Wendy Brown, Christoph Menke, Nancy Fraser, Rahel Jaeggi, Amy Allen, Penelope Deutscher, and Charles Mills address pressing issues including international human rights and democratic sovereignty, global neoliberalism, novel approaches to the critique of capitalism, critical theory's Eurocentric heritage, and new directions offered by critical race theory and postcolonial studies. Sharpening the conceptual tools of critical theory, the contributors to Critical Theory in Critical Times reveal new ways of expanding the diverse traditions of the Frankfurt School in response to some of the most urgent and important challenges of our times.