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The purpose of this work is to present a sociological analysis of the notion of political realism. Based on three complementary approaches, it offers a critical study of that multifaceted notion. The first approach starts from a history of political thought to try and delineate the emergence of the notion and its evolution. The perspective also aims at retracing the various sociological traditions and offshoots (the Italian, French and Anglo-Saxon branches) derived from it. In the context of historical sociology, the second approach seeks to illustrate the notion through the study of the French Socialist Party and its evolutions. Starting from the premise that political realism and socialism are initially contradictory, this socio-historical approach follows the way in which, by becoming institutionalized, the French Socialist Party has gradually relinquished part of its agenda for a transformation of society. Resting on a survey conducted between 2009 and 2010 with forty socialist militants from the Ile-de-France région, the third approach examines the notion of political realism in the light of the actual experiences and representations of the Party's active members. The study thus focuses both on the sense of disarray and aimlessness pervading militancy, and on the strategies of reenchantment and reformulation of socialism. This analysis allows to expose the political function of political realism. Under cover of neutrality, that function can be used to discredit the political ideas and practices which are considered as inadmissible. In that sense, political realism is rather an ideology of the end of political ideologies and alternatives, than an actual category for the analysis of politics ; Ce travail de thèse a pour objet une analyse sociologique de la notion de réalisme politique. Il propose, au travers de trois approches complémentaires, un examen critique de cette notion polymorphe. La première, à partir d'une histoire des idées politiques, vise à en saisir l'émergence et l'évolution. Elle tente ...

The purpose of this work is to present a sociological analysis of the notion of political realism. Based on three complementary approaches, it offers a critical study of that multifaceted notion. The first approach starts from a history of political thought to try and delineate the emergence of the notion and its evolution. The perspective also aims at retracing the various sociological traditions and offshoots (the Italian, French and Anglo-Saxon branches) derived from it. In the context of historical sociology, the second approach seeks to illustrate the notion through the study of the French Socialist Party and its evolutions. Starting from the premise that political realism and socialism are initially contradictory, this socio-historical approach follows the way in which, by becoming institutionalized, the French Socialist Party has gradually relinquished part of its agenda for a transformation of society. Resting on a survey conducted between 2009 and 2010 with forty socialist militants from the Ile-de-France région, the third approach examines the notion of political realism in the light of the actual experiences and representations of the Party's active members. The study thus focuses both on the sense of disarray and aimlessness pervading militancy, and on the strategies of reenchantment and reformulation of socialism. This analysis allows to expose the political function of political realism. Under cover of neutrality, that function can be used to discredit the political ideas and practices which are considered as inadmissible. In that sense, political realism is rather an ideology of the end of political ideologies and alternatives, than an actual category for the analysis of politics ; Ce travail de thèse a pour objet une analyse sociologique de la notion de réalisme politique. Il propose, au travers de trois approches complémentaires, un examen critique de cette notion polymorphe. La première, à partir d'une histoire des idées politiques, vise à en saisir l'émergence et l'évolution. Elle tente ...

The purpose of this work is to present a sociological analysis of the notion of political realism. Based on three complementary approaches, it offers a critical study of that multifaceted notion. The first approach starts from a history of political thought to try and delineate the emergence of the notion and its evolution. The perspective also aims at retracing the various sociological traditions and offshoots (the Italian, French and Anglo-Saxon branches) derived from it. In the context of historical sociology, the second approach seeks to illustrate the notion through the study of the French Socialist Party and its evolutions. Starting from the premise that political realism and socialism are initially contradictory, this socio-historical approach follows the way in which, by becoming institutionalized, the French Socialist Party has gradually relinquished part of its agenda for a transformation of society. Resting on a survey conducted between 2009 and 2010 with forty socialist militants from the Ile-de-France région, the third approach examines the notion of political realism in the light of the actual experiences and representations of the Party's active members. The study thus focuses both on the sense of disarray and aimlessness pervading militancy, and on the strategies of reenchantment and reformulation of socialism. This analysis allows to expose the political function of political realism. Under cover of neutrality, that function can be used to discredit the political ideas and practices which are considered as inadmissible. In that sense, political realism is rather an ideology of the end of political ideologies and alternatives, than an actual category for the analysis of politics ; Ce travail de thèse a pour objet une analyse sociologique de la notion de réalisme politique. Il propose, au travers de trois approches complémentaires, un examen critique de cette notion polymorphe. La première, à partir d'une histoire des idées politiques, vise à en saisir l'émergence et l'évolution. Elle tente ...

This article introduces a series of articles addressing the state of international theory after 9/11 & its consequences. In presenting a history of the term "theory," here cast in the sense of Thucydides, it is suggested that the aim of international theorists is to help lend meaning to events by observing facts given about international phenomena. This view is turned to the attacks of September 11, 2001, & Operation Iraqi Freedom. In establishing the central tenets of realism, this introduction attempts to orient debate towards the decision-making policies & positions surrounding these two major events in international relations. These central tenets of realism appear, in this context, to be those very principles that have been subverted throughout the course of these developments. It is the state of realism & its shifting degree of applicability to the development of relations between key international actors through which articles in this series turn to discuss main events in contemporary international relations. 45 References. C. Brunski

In posing the question of the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the French government's decision to adopt the treaty banning cluster munitions, in Oslo in December 2008, this thesis offers the occasion to revisit a number of studies in International Relations on the factors behind transnational mobilizations' success in creating and adopting international norms. While theorists of international relations work almost exclusively with such conditions at the international level, between ONGs and states, this study proposes, on the contrary, to shift the focus to the French political decision-making process. It seeks the reasons for "successful" transnational mobilization not in their proper characteristics, but rather in the political and institutional logic shaping national political decisions. This thesis describes a process of decision-making imposed, in part, on the public authorities by a transnational mobilization and it shows how the realm of choices narrowed to the point where the public authorities were forced to adopt a disarmament treaty that they would have overwhelmingly preferred to avoid. However, this thesis also reveals how the state nonetheless retained its capacity to govern and to subtly recover its power. It is this tension that provides the expression to govern without choosing. ; En posant la question de l'influence des ONG sur la décision du gouvernement français d'adopter le traité d'interdiction des armes à sous-munitions à Oslo en décembre 2008, cette thèse offre l'occasion de revisiter tout un ensemble de travaux de Relations Internationales sur les conditions de succès des mobilisations transnationales dans la production et l'adoption des normes internationales. Alors que les théoriciens de relations internationales travaillent presque exclusivement sur ce qui se joue à l'échelle internationale, entre les ONG et les Etats, ce travail propose au contraire de resserrer la focale uniquement sur la prise de décision politique française. Il propose ainsi de chercher les ...

In posing the question of the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the French government's decision to adopt the treaty banning cluster munitions, in Oslo in December 2008, this thesis offers the occasion to revisit a number of studies in International Relations on the factors behind transnational mobilizations' success in creating and adopting international norms. While theorists of international relations work almost exclusively with such conditions at the international level, between ONGs and states, this study proposes, on the contrary, to shift the focus to the French political decision-making process. It seeks the reasons for "successful" transnational mobilization not in their proper characteristics, but rather in the political and institutional logic shaping national political decisions. This thesis describes a process of decision-making imposed, in part, on the public authorities by a transnational mobilization and it shows how the realm of choices narrowed to the point where the public authorities were forced to adopt a disarmament treaty that they would have overwhelmingly preferred to avoid. However, this thesis also reveals how the state nonetheless retained its capacity to govern and to subtly recover its power. It is this tension that provides the expression to govern without choosing. ; En posant la question de l'influence des ONG sur la décision du gouvernement français d'adopter le traité d'interdiction des armes à sous-munitions à Oslo en décembre 2008, cette thèse offre l'occasion de revisiter tout un ensemble de travaux de Relations Internationales sur les conditions de succès des mobilisations transnationales dans la production et l'adoption des normes internationales. Alors que les théoriciens de relations internationales travaillent presque exclusivement sur ce qui se joue à l'échelle internationale, entre les ONG et les Etats, ce travail propose au contraire de resserrer la focale uniquement sur la prise de décision politique française. Il propose ainsi de chercher les ...

In posing the question of the influence of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on the French government's decision to adopt the treaty banning cluster munitions, in Oslo in December 2008, this thesis offers the occasion to revisit a number of studies in International Relations on the factors behind transnational mobilizations' success in creating and adopting international norms. While theorists of international relations work almost exclusively with such conditions at the international level, between ONGs and states, this study proposes, on the contrary, to shift the focus to the French political decision-making process. It seeks the reasons for "successful" transnational mobilization not in their proper characteristics, but rather in the political and institutional logic shaping national political decisions. This thesis describes a process of decision-making imposed, in part, on the public authorities by a transnational mobilization and it shows how the realm of choices narrowed to the point where the public authorities were forced to adopt a disarmament treaty that they would have overwhelmingly preferred to avoid. However, this thesis also reveals how the state nonetheless retained its capacity to govern and to subtly recover its power. It is this tension that provides the expression to govern without choosing. ; En posant la question de l'influence des ONG sur la décision du gouvernement français d'adopter le traité d'interdiction des armes à sous-munitions à Oslo en décembre 2008, cette thèse offre l'occasion de revisiter tout un ensemble de travaux de Relations Internationales sur les conditions de succès des mobilisations transnationales dans la production et l'adoption des normes internationales. Alors que les théoriciens de relations internationales travaillent presque exclusivement sur ce qui se joue à l'échelle internationale, entre les ONG et les Etats, ce travail propose au contraire de resserrer la focale uniquement sur la prise de décision politique française. Il propose ainsi de chercher les raisons du « succès » des mobilisations transnationales non pas dans leurs caractéristiques propres, mais plutôt dans les logiques politiques et institutionnelles qui façonnent les décisions politiques nationales. Cette thèse décrit un processus de décision politique en partie imposée aux pouvoirs publics par une mobilisation transnationale. Elle montre ainsi comment l'espace des choix se restreint au point d'obliger les pouvoirs publics à adopter un traité de désarmement auquel ils auraient largement préféré se soustraire. Mais elle révèle également comment l'Etat n'en reste pas moins doté d'une capacité de gouverner qui lui permet de récupérer subtilement la main. C'est cette tension que signifie l'expression gouverner sans choisir.

The events of 9/11 & afterwards appear to reinforce realism as the dominant theory of international relations. 9/11 demonstrated the continuing dangers of anarchic international society, realists believe, & showed that sovereign states must continue to guard their own interests, using military force as an essential means to maintain security. Post-realists agree that realism's cognitive simplicity fits the perceived crisis of 9/11. At the same time, post-realism suggests that political action is more complex & dynamic than realism believes. The attack from Al Qaeda did not come from another state, & the military responses in Afghanistan & Iraq did not demonstrably weaken it. Post-realism emphasizes the importance of multiple perspectives, interpretations, & meanings -- realist & non-realist -- for developing a critical understanding of international relations. As one example, this paper includes an account of US imperialism, identifiable through discursive analysis as a distinctive cultural formation. Though the single, simple viewpoint of realism may seem compelling, post-realism suggests that seeing the world through multiple frames is likely to produce more prudent strategies in world politics. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; « Je discutais avec un collègue [enseignant], et fis une remarque sur [.] l'urgence de traiter enfin des relations entre les idées et leur contexte social. "Ça, Schlegel, c'est la question à dix mille dollars !", me répondit-il. Et nous parlâmes d'autre chose. » Depuis cinq ans environ, le champ de la recherche juridique apparaît marqué, en particulier aux États-Unis, par un mouvement de réévaluation historiographique du legs théorique du legal realism 2. De leur côté, les politistes réinterrogent l'ontologie du réalisme classique dans les relations internationales, en affinant le parcours et les travaux de ses représentants les plus connus 3. Néanmoins, les échanges concrets qui ont pu exister entre les théoriciens deces deux écoles n'ont pas – ou très peu – été examinés jusqu'à présent. Les rapports entre le réalisme des relations internationales et le droit international sont traditionnellement traités sous l'angle de l'opposition entre une génération de publicistes marqués par l'inter-nationalisme libéral, que l'on oppose à une génération de politistes réalistes pour le moins acerbes vis-à-vis du conceptualisme juridique, peu adapté selon eux à l'état anarchique des relations internationales1.

International audience ; « Je discutais avec un collègue [enseignant], et fis une remarque sur [.] l'urgence de traiter enfin des relations entre les idées et leur contexte social. "Ça, Schlegel, c'est la question à dix mille dollars !", me répondit-il. Et nous parlâmes d'autre chose. » Depuis cinq ans environ, le champ de la recherche juridique apparaît marqué, en particulier aux États-Unis, par un mouvement de réévaluation historiographique du legs théorique du legal realism 2. De leur côté, les politistes réinterrogent l'ontologie du réalisme classique dans les relations internationales, en affinant le parcours et les travaux de ses représentants les plus connus 3. Néanmoins, les échanges concrets qui ont pu exister entre les théoriciens deces deux écoles n'ont pas – ou très peu – été examinés jusqu'à présent. Les rapports entre le réalisme des relations internationales et le droit international sont traditionnellement traités sous l'angle de l'opposition entre une génération de publicistes marqués par l'inter-nationalisme libéral, que l'on oppose à une génération de politistes réalistes pour le moins acerbes vis-à-vis du conceptualisme juridique, peu adapté selon eux à l'état anarchique des relations internationales1.

International audience ; « Je discutais avec un collègue [enseignant], et fis une remarque sur [.] l'urgence de traiter enfin des relations entre les idées et leur contexte social. "Ça, Schlegel, c'est la question à dix mille dollars !", me répondit-il. Et nous parlâmes d'autre chose. » Depuis cinq ans environ, le champ de la recherche juridique apparaît marqué, en particulier aux États-Unis, par un mouvement de réévaluation historiographique du legs théorique du legal realism 2. De leur côté, les politistes réinterrogent l'ontologie du réalisme classique dans les relations internationales, en affinant le parcours et les travaux de ses représentants les plus connus 3. Néanmoins, les échanges concrets qui ont pu exister entre les théoriciens deces deux écoles n'ont pas – ou très peu – été examinés jusqu'à présent. Les rapports entre le réalisme des relations internationales et le droit international sont traditionnellement traités sous l'angle de l'opposition entre une génération de publicistes marqués par l'inter-nationalisme libéral, que l'on oppose à une génération de politistes réalistes pour le moins acerbes vis-à-vis du conceptualisme juridique, peu adapté selon eux à l'état anarchique des relations internationales1.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content: "Si la philosophie politique aspire à la justice, s'interdit-elle de penser l'histoire, les individus en chair et en os ? En bâtissant des châteaux en Espagne, n'a-t-elle pas peuplé la théorie politique d'artefacts imaginaires ou de « zombies raisonnables » ? Le mythe rationaliste en philosophie politique semble être le comble de l'aveuglement théorique. La théorie politique devient ipso facto aveugle à la violence – violence réelle des rapports sociaux, violence des rapports de genre, violence des guerres et des crimes de masse. La philosophie semble sourde à l'agonisme de la scène politique, incapable de prendre la mesure des situations réelles d'oppression et d'aliénation."

The latest presidential election highlighted certain shortcomings in the legal framework of political pluralism, including a lack of pragmatisstrongly damaging to democratic debate. However, even if the framework devised by the legislature and the regulatory authority is applied to the letter by the publishers of the infringements — no penalty has ever been imposed on that basis — these are essential considerations both, more than ever, the audiovisual media are in a position to shape public opinion. Before turning to the specific rules applicable to electoral periods and, in particular, to the presidential elections (II), the rules applicable in ordinary times must be recalled, especially since they have recently undergone a revolution (I). ; International audience ; The latest presidential election highlighted certain shortcomings in the legal framework of political pluralism, including a lack of pragmatisstrongly damaging to democratic debate. However, even if the framework devised by the legislature and the regulatory authority is applied to the letter by the publishers of the infringements — no penalty has ever been imposed on that basis — these are essential considerations both, more than ever, the audiovisual media are in a position to shape public opinion. Before turning to the specific rules applicable to electoral periods and, in particular, to the presidential elections (II), the rules applicable in ordinary times must be recalled, especially since they have recently undergone a revolution (I). ; La dernière élection présidentielle a mis en exergue certaines carences durégime juridique du pluralisme politique, notamment un manque de pragmatismefort dommageable pour le débat démocratique. Or, même si le cadre dessiné par lelégislateur et l'autorité de régulation est appliqué à la lettre par les éditeurs deservices – aucune sanction n'a jamais été prononcée sur ce fondement –, il s'agit làde considérations essentielles tant, plus que jamais, les médias audiovisuels sont enmesure de modeler l'opinion ...