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Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Preface -- Introduction: Constancy and Change Since WWII -- PART I. THE TRUMAN ADMINISTRATION -- PART II. THE EISENHOWER ERA -- PART III. THE KENNEDY-JOHNSON YEARS -- PART IV. STATECRAFT UNDER NIXON AND FORD -- PART V. THE CARTER PERIOD -- PART VI. THE REAGAN ERA-REALISM OR ROMANTICISM? -- PART VII. PRUDENTIAL STATECRAFT WITH GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH -- PART VIII. CLINTON'S GLOBALISM -- PART IX. THE FREEDOM AGENDA OF GEORGE W. BUSH -- PART X. OBAMA'S UNIVERSALISM VERSUS A STILL-FRAGMENTED WORLD -- Epilogue -- Notes -- Index

In this review essay, I discuss two recent trends in Chinese constitutional theory and their influence on the field of legal historiography. The first of these trends is a methodological turn toward "conceptual realism." This notion implies that legal concepts should be able to adequately capture political reality, lest they (1) end up eroding China's illiberal political status quo — the neo-conservative agenda — or (2) fail to identify the deep-seated reasons for the repeated failure of liberal constitutionalism in modern China — the critical-liberal agenda. Terminologically, this realist turn manifests itself in a set of conceptual binaries, including that of "state body" (guoti 國體) vs. "form of government" (zhengti 政體), "absolute constitution" vs. "constitutional law," and "political" vs. "normative constitution." The second trend is a broader shift toward historicism and "imperial nostalgia," that is, the belief that, for better or for worse, the structural features of China's pre-modern imperial state continue to impact its present constitutional reality. A review of recent Chinese literature suggests that — while there is some agreement among "conceptual realists" on the legal-territorial implications of China's modern transition from empire to nation-state — there is substantial disagreement on the reasons for its subsequent failure to consolidate liberal constitutional democracy. This also indicates that, while "statism" has indeed emerged as a new methodological consensus in Chinese academia, this consensus does not translate into a shared normative vision beyond the undisputed territorial unity of the Chinese nation-state. The discussion focuses on two books: Gao Quanxi, Zhang Wei, Tian Feilong, Xiandai zhongguo de fazhi zhi lu [The Road to the Rule of Law in Modern China] (2012); and Zhang Yongle, Jiu bang xin zao: 1911-1917 [The Remaking of an Old Country: 1911-1917] (2016).

Ekkehart Krippendorff: Vorwort . 1 Petra Dobner und Felicitas Kraus: Pazifismus um jeden Preis? Zum Antiamerikanismusvorwurf an die deutsche Friedensbewegung . 4 Brigitte Young: The Decision to Launch Desert Storm and the "Male-irrationality" Syndrome . 18 Bruce Spear: The Gulf War's Crisis of the Kurds and the Crisis of Political Realism . 26 Christoph Scherrer: The Gulf War and Western Trade Conflicts . 42 James Bohman: The German Left and the Gulf War - An American Perspective . 46 ; Elektronische Version der gedr. Ausg. 1992

A commentary on the polemic between Christian Tomuschat (2006) & Michael Wolffsohn concerning the international law implications of Israel's attack against Hisbollah in the Lebanon war of 2006. The issues of the legal right to wage war, proportionality in exercised violence, & humanitarian respect of civilians are at the center of the discussion here, as Tomuschat's & Wolffsohn's views are considered & compared. The arguments of both, as the former criticizes & the latter supports Israel's military actions in Lebanon, are assessed from the perspective of international law. The larger problem of asymmetric conflict between states & nonstates is addressed, drawing also on the lessons of the US response against Al Qaeda in Afghanistan in the aftermath of September 11. Three positions are characterized vis-a-vis the ethical aspect of violence in international context: (1) political realism, (2) pacifism, & (3) the theory of justified war. The ineffectiveness & counter-productiveness of the "Land for Peace" approach in Middle East peace negotiations are also examined from the perspective of balance of power in the region & asymmetric conflicts between states & nonstates, ie, Israel vs PLO/Hamas & Israel vs Hisbollah. Z. Dubiel

The call 'war again in Europe? Not in our name!' the earlier security adviser of German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Horst Teltschik, and other from the very beginning in December 2014 reflects the principles of academic school of thought of political realism (Hans Morgenthau, John Mearsheimer, Henry Kissinger and others). States and their governments to follow individual state interests that rule the strengthening and multiplication, but at least should serve to maintain the power of a state. This iron laws of power and interests also determine the foreign policy coordinates of the current relations between Russia, the US, the EU and NATO. Adapted from the source document.

The historiography on Sweden's foreign policy during the Second World War can be characterized as being split between two paradigms of interpretation: One of them rooted in political realism, dominating for a long time and stressing the fact that the government had been able to keep the country out of the war and to avoid its occupation; the other one emphasizing moral values and growing in relevance, claiming that the country had not lived up to the obligation to line up against national socialism. This article reviews the most central existing literature seeking to relate it to this dichotomy. Finally some questions are posed that should be included in the future research agenda.

International Political Theory (IPT) analyses political relations, structures and institutions beyond the state. In particular, it inquires into the justification of such relations and, reflexively speaking, into the institutions and modes of such justifications. For those purposes, it aims at a "reflexive equilibrium" between normative and empirical perspectives and presupposes a realistic account of the relations of power, rule and domination that exist in the spheres beyond the state. Such a "different kind of realism" as compared to classical realism avoids certain shortcomings of current approaches to the justification of international norms. Thus, a critical political theory becomes possible. Adapted from the source document.

On December 26, 2005, Dr. John H. Herz, one of the most famous scientists in the area of international politics, died in Scarsdale New York at the age of 97. Through his works, Herz exerted considerable influence on the development of foreign policy realism & had enduring influence not only the science of international politics, but also on leading politicians throughout the world. Born in 1908 in Germany, Herz emigrated in 1933, coming in 1938 to what would become his spiritual-political homeland in the US, though he remained in touch with Germany throughout his life. His central service was the association of the two contradictory intellectual schools of thought, realism & Idealism, though he also placed the power problem in the center of international relationships, more in a "security dilemma" perspective than an anthro-political one, & recognized earlier & more precisely the importance of new global questions & the loss of the protective function of the classical nation state. The effects of his work will continue to be seen. L. Reed

In the face of recent developments concerning the public sphere (post- truth, fake news etc.), enthusiasm about the emancipatory potential of the internet and web 2.0 in particular has drastically decreased. The article re-reads two critiques of the media-based public sphere that do not focus on the dichotomy of one-to-many and many-to-many communication but address the fundamental question of what can become articulated in the public sphere in the first place: Günther Anders' concept of the matrix and Martin Heidegger's notion of idle talk, which both deal with the dominance of stereotypes in public discourse. By relating those ideas to post-founda- tional political theory and to new realism in philosophy, the article discuss- es whether it is plausible to attribute recent problems of the public sphere to an unrestricted antagonism of interpretations. Contrary to the claims of new realism, it will be argued, in view of the surface pluralisation of post- modernity, public discourse is in need of in-depth pluralisation.