Realtà, necessità, conflitto: il realismo in filosofia politica
In: Biblioteca di testi e studi 1314
In: Biblioteca di testi e studi 1314
In: Rubbettino Università
This work aims at pointing out the figure of the French author Charles Maurras (1868-1957) and the "maurrassisme", the movement grown around him, during the years of the Great War. This is done by answering three questions: what was the beahviour of L'Action française; whether the Maurras ideas have been changing; what happened after the victory against the «barbaric» Germany. It is only recently that the different strategies adopted by Maurras and his movement over the 'war winds' have been deeply investigated. The results of these researches constitute an opportunity to discuss Maurras's political thought from a different perspective.
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In: Filosofia politica 2
It is well known that Locke's political theory with regard to the concepts of the law of nature, the state of nature and the transition from it to the commonwealth is at best highly problematic, if not inconsistent. Locke's incoherence has often been related to the combination of different approaches; he accepted the traditional metaphysical doctrine of natural law (which he found restated in Richard Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity), but combined it with naturalistic ethics of Epicurean origin centred on the ideas of self-preservation and of the search for pleasure and avoidance of pain as the basic motivations of human behaviour. In my essay I examine the notion of natural law and try to show the inadequacy of this theory to account for the transition from the state of nature to political society. I focus particularly on theologico-political issues related to the transgression of natural law, which is conceived both as an ideal rational norm and as a natural, practical principle. Locke's texts conceal a dilemma which he never discussed, but which undermines his political theory: either natural law's obligation is effective, and in this case rational human agents should live in a self-regulating natural society without need of building the commonwealth and its repressive apparatus; or natural law is no more than a postulated set of ideal values, unable to regulate the dominant forces of human actions, and in this case it is difficult to understand how the positive laws of the commonwealth should respect its supposed prescriptions. I conclude my essay arguing that the shaky theological foundation of Locke's political theory is not merely related to Locke's inconsistencies, but reveals the deficiency of the traditional notion of natural law when faced with the elements of realism which Locke includes in his theory and which he shares with modern political thought.
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Lo scopo di questa tesi era di fornire uno spaccato nel pensiero politico del capolavoro di Machiavelli, il Principe. Non è trattabile che questo autore del Cinquecento esprima in quest'opera alcuni consigli politici profondi e soprattutto molto diretti. Come tale era al di là di ogni dubbio prima del suo tempo, quindi può essere ben compreso anche nei tempi e nelle società contemporanee. Inoltre, per il suo approccio diretto e per le idee fortemente realistiche espresse nell'opera, è considerato uno degli autori più controversi della storia della letteratura e della politica in generale. Il libro è letteralmente una chiamata aperta al potere. Machiavelli afferma che il principe dovrebbe possedere il potere e ottenere il controllo per governare con successo. Da qui partono citazioni famigerate come 'il fine giustifica i mezzi', ed "è meglio essere temuti che amati', ma il livello di controversia dipende da quale punto di vista si percepisce quest'opera. Inoltre, tutto quello già specificato ne il Principe, l'autore conferma con la commedia Mandragola pubblicata alcuni anni prima dello stesso Principe, ma generalmente sono le due opere coeve. Tuttavia, Machiavelli è un fondatore della scienza politica moderna, mentre proprio il suo Principe ha fornito una base per tale considerazione. ; Cilj ovog diplomskog rada bio je pružiti uvid u političku misao Machiavellijevog remek-djela il Principe Neosporno je da ovaj autor šesnaestog stoljeća u ovom djelu iznosi duboke i nadasve vrlo izravne političke savjete. Kao takav bio je nesumnjivo ispred svog vremena, stoga se djelo može dobro razumjeti čak i u suvremenom razdoblju. Štoviše, zbog svog izravnog pristupa i realističnih ideja izraženih u djelu, smatra se jednim od najkontroverznijih autora u povijesti književnosti i politike uopće. Knjiga je doslovno otvoreni poziv na vlast. Machiavelli navodi da bi vladar trebao posjedovati moć i steći kontrolu kako bi mogao uspješno vladati. Otuda dolaze i zloglasni citati poput "cilj opravdava sredstvo" i "bolje je da te se boje nego da te ljube", ali razina kontroverze ovisi o tome s kojeg gledišta se ovo djelo promatra. Uz to, sve što je već izraženo u il Principe, autor potvrđuje s komedijom la Mandragola, objavljavljenoj nekoliko godina prije samog il Principe, ali općenito riječ je o djelima koja su pisana istovremeno. Usprkos tome, Machiavelli je utemeljitelj moderne političke znanosti, a upravo je njegov il Principe udario temelje za tu konstataciju. ; The purpose of this thesis was to provide an insight into the political thought of Machiavelli's masterpiece, il Principe. It is not negotiable that this sixteenth-century author expresses some profound and above all very direct political advice in this work. As such it was beyond doubt before its time, so it can be well understood even in contemporary times and societies. Moreover, due to his direct approach and the highly realistic ideas expressed in the work, he is considered to be one of the most controversial authors in the history of literature and politics in general. The book is literally an open call to power. Machiavelli states that the prince should possess the power and gain control to rule successfully. Hence, there are notorious quotations such as 'the end justifies the means', and 'it is better to be feared than loved', but the level of controversy depends on what point of view this work is perceived from. Moreover, all that has already been specified in il Principe, the author confirms in the comedy la Mandragola published a few years earlier, although in general, those two works are coevals. However, Machiavelli is a founder of modern political science, while his ow il Principe has provided a basis for such consideration.
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During his first months in Italy Henry VII acts now as rex pacificus, chosen by the communities as peace's guarantor, now as emperor-judge, fully conscious of being selected from God's will, now as a compliant politician, now as an authoritarian rights' holder, now as a merciful ruler, now as an inflexible one. He adjusts to different city interlocutors and contexts two unlike and opposite sovereignty's concepts, which are the outcome at times of a local collective will, at times of an unquestionable universal authority. This behaviour proves his political realism beyond his need to protect the Empire's "symbolic capital". ; Ora rex pacificus, scelto dalla collettività come garante di pace, ora imperatore giudice, investito da Dio del proprio ruolo, ora duttile politico, ora autoritario detentore di diritti, ora misericordioso, ora inflessibile, in questo suo primo anno in Italia Enrico VII concilia, a seconda degli interlocutori e dei contesti urbani di riferimento, due diverse e contrapposte concezioni della sovranità, espressione talvolta di una volontà collettiva a livello locale, talvolta di un'indiscutibile autorità universale, dimostrando realismo politico al di là della necessità di difendere il "capitale simbolico" dell'impero.
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Lo scopo di questa tesi era di fornire uno spaccato nel pensiero politico del capolavoro di Machiavelli, il Principe. Non è trattabile che questo autore del Cinquecento esprima in quest'opera alcuni consigli politici profondi e soprattutto molto diretti. Come tale era al di là di ogni dubbio prima del suo tempo, quindi può essere ben compreso anche nei tempi e nelle società contemporanee. Inoltre, per il suo approccio diretto e per le idee fortemente realistiche espresse nell'opera, è considerato uno degli autori più controversi della storia della letteratura e della politica in generale. Il libro è letteralmente una chiamata aperta al potere. Machiavelli afferma che il principe dovrebbe possedere il potere e ottenere il controllo per governare con successo. Da qui partono citazioni famigerate come 'il fine giustifica i mezzi', ed "è meglio essere temuti che amati', ma il livello di controversia dipende da quale punto di vista si percepisce quest'opera. Inoltre, tutto quello già specificato ne il Principe, l'autore conferma con la commedia Mandragola pubblicata alcuni anni prima dello stesso Principe, ma generalmente sono le due opere coeve. Tuttavia, Machiavelli è un fondatore della scienza politica moderna, mentre proprio il suo Principe ha fornito una base per tale considerazione. ; Cilj ovog diplomskog rada bio je pružiti uvid u političku misao Machiavellijevog remek-djela il Principe Neosporno je da ovaj autor šesnaestog stoljeća u ovom djelu iznosi duboke i nadasve vrlo izravne političke savjete. Kao takav bio je nesumnjivo ispred svog vremena, stoga se djelo može dobro razumjeti čak i u suvremenom razdoblju. Štoviše, zbog svog izravnog pristupa i realističnih ideja izraženih u djelu, smatra se jednim od najkontroverznijih autora u povijesti književnosti i politike uopće. Knjiga je doslovno otvoreni poziv na vlast. Machiavelli navodi da bi vladar trebao posjedovati moć i steći kontrolu kako bi mogao uspješno vladati. Otuda dolaze i zloglasni citati poput "cilj opravdava sredstvo" i "bolje je da te se boje ...
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The paper points out the deep connection between libertarian philosophy and political realism. At the core of the analysis there is the idea the State is an anti-juridical organization, because it rests on a bellicose way to conceive human relations. In this sense, the theory of a free society is not only the logical consequence of Misesian refutation of every collectivist way to produce goods and services (protection and law included) in absence of market prices. Using Rothbard's and Salin's studies on monopoly and cartels, the paper emphasizes the difference between a market society and a society without State, remarking that in the last one a monopoly de facto is also a monopoly de jure. For this reason, libertarians are called to prove that a society without State is the best way to reduce coercion and aggressions; and that the suppression of the legal monopoly of the force is the necessary condition to realize a social order less unjust, whit a checks and balance system marked by a strong competition of companies charged to provide legality, security and protection.
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In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 417-440
ISSN: 0048-8402
This paper offers a constructivist theory of governance. It begins by challenging rational choice and institutionalist accounts for neglecting meanings. If we are to take meanings seriously, we need to allow for the constructed nature of governance -- governance depends on concepts that are themselves in part products of wider webs of belief. The paper then argues, first, that constructivism is compatible with various forms of realism, and, second, that constructivism is strengthened by recognition of situated agency. Finally, the paper identifies the kind of aggregate concepts associated with this type of constructivism. Adapted from the source document.
Observance of international law is considered an identity value of the European Union. The commitment towards international law is provided for in the Treaty, it is ensured by the ECJ, while EU institutions commonly profess their respect towards it. However, there are some discomforting examples where respect for international law is sacrificed to the altar of political realism. A recent ECJ judgment, excluding the application to the territory of Western Sahara of a EU-Morocco trade liberalization agreement, provides the occasion for the EU to operationalize the (vague) international law obligation of non-recognition of serious violations of jus cogens. The main issue discussed in this paper is how can the EU contribute to the respect for the right to self-determination of Western Sahara by avoiding reinforcing the illegal presence of Morocco in this non-self-governing territory. The actions of EU institutions are crucial not only for the future relationship with an important EU commercial partner in an area of geopolitical concern, but also for the contribution to international law of the EU practice, which can clarify the more general issue of the obligation of third countries to refrain from actions that can help or favour illegal actions of other states.
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In: Il politico: rivista italiana di scienze politiche ; rivista quardrimestrale, Band 75, Heft 2, S. 27-53
ISSN: 0032-325X
Realismo è sicuramente uno dei termini più usati e abusati del lessico politico. Dopo aver mostrato come venga spesso interpretato come una visione cinica o a-morale della politica, la voce metterà in luce tanto gli elementi essenziali del "realismo cristiano", quanto la presenza di un tale concetto all'interno della dottrina sociale della Chiesa. Inoltre, la voce proverà a dimostrare come il "realismo cristiano" rappresenti un utile strumento per sviluppare un più adeguato intendimento della politica che possa allontanare facili illusioni o comportamenti cinici. ; Realism is one of the most used and abused concepts in the political lexicon. It is often interpreted as a cynical or a-moral view of politics. This dictionary entry provides the essential elements of "Christian realism", and shows its presence within the Social Doctrine of the Church. By rejecting both the traps of a cynical realism and the illusions of a sentimental idealism, "Christian realism" allows for a better understanding and a more adequate praxis of politics.
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In: Italian Political Science Review: Rivista italiana di scienza politica, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 113-124
ISSN: 0048-8402
Two claims about the nature & scope of theories in International Relations can be found in Kenneth Waltzs work. The first claim is that it is possible to develop a theory of international politics, ie., a theory that is capable to predict the outcomes of interactions among states without necessarily predicting their foreign policy behavior. The second claim is that it is possible to develop a structural theory of politics, ie., a theory that rigorously separates structural & unit-level causes & only considers the former. This note argues the following: G) the two claims are distinct; (ii) Waltz does not separate them consistently; (iii) he defends the first claim by using arguments that support the second claim; (iv) the first claim is not plausible; (iv) the second claim is plausible, but it needs to be qualified. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
As a critic of the New International Order arisen in the aftermath of the end of bipolarism, Danilo Zolo rejects the progressive and optimistic image of contemporary international theory. First, he vehemently denounces the hierarchical nature of the Liberal Order, as well as the "global wars" which necessarily stems from it. Secondly, Zolo criticizes the political and legal cosmopolitanism which operates as a legitimating philosophy of the Global Order. Eventually, he puts forward a reversed image of the history of the last decades. For Zolo, globalization appears to be, not the era of a difficult but unrestrainable construction of a large web of (new) international institutions, but, rather, an era that sees the collapse of the classic institutions (beginning with war itself) that constituted the Westphalian system.
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