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In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

In the second part, misconceptions of realism after the Cold War are analysed. It is shown that the shifts in content of contemporary realist theories are path-dependent and rooted in "Waltz paradox". The paradox led to three different modes of realist enterprise: (i) conservative reaction; (ii) "middle way"; and (iii) radical reaction. These stages purport the gradually increasing deviation from the original descriptive principles of realism. Conservative reaction is based on a false assumption that states can follow rational winning strategies. Middle-way "realists" (mis)treat the political struggle for power only as an outgrowth of specific circumstances. More and more of them follow the liberal agenda, trying to find and neutralise the "irrational factors", and thereby secure the rational (universally acceptable) political outcomes. Finally, radical reaction means reconstruction of realism as an entirely prescriptive discourse and moral guidelines for peaceful accommodation and liberal political order. The implications of these theoretical changes are exemplitied by discussing standard "realistic" explanations of US foreign policy after the Cold War. It is shown that none of today's "realist" approaches is realistic enough to grasp the operation of the principles once known to realism. The findings of this research challenge the false truths about the relation between political realism, scientific IR enterprise and political practice.

The article seeks to reveal the possibilities of a theoretical interpretation of power in the broad sense and military power in the narrow sense in the context of the realism paradigm, with a deep focus on including intangible resources in the interpretation of power. In the article, the interpretation of power is consciously grounded on the synthesis of power as resources and power as relation perspectives meanwhile applying this synthesis to the analysis of military power. Thus, military power is perceived as covering not only material but also non-material resources and as being contextual in nature. The article forms assumptions that the interpretation of military power depends on the security environment perception of the political and military elite: by changing warfare concepts and force employment methods they introduce military innovations, while military doctrines are an instrument of power conversion – through them the security environment perception is imparted and the structure of military power is changed. Such an interpretation of military power, combining different insights based on the paradigm of realism, allows the formation of an alternative approach to the interpretation of military power.

The article seeks to reveal the possibilities of a theoretical interpretation of power in the broad sense and military power in the narrow sense in the context of the realism paradigm, with a deep focus on including intangible resources in the interpretation of power. In the article, the interpretation of power is consciously grounded on the synthesis of power as resources and power as relation perspectives meanwhile applying this synthesis to the analysis of military power. Thus, military power is perceived as covering not only material but also non-material resources and as being contextual in nature. The article forms assumptions that the interpretation of military power depends on the security environment perception of the political and military elite: by changing warfare concepts and force employment methods they introduce military innovations, while military doctrines are an instrument of power conversion – through them the security environment perception is imparted and the structure of military power is changed. Such an interpretation of military power, combining different insights based on the paradigm of realism, allows the formation of an alternative approach to the interpretation of military power.

The primary aim of this article is to analyze how the interpretation of "universal" geopolitical ideas, especially those related to images of US power, depend on national, publishing & rhetorical interests. By comparing various predominant intellectual stances, one can see that even after the end of the Cold War its' rhetorical tropes still propel further disputes. As a result, national interests & ambitions of some politicians merge & the lines between political realism & ideologies become blurred. For example, phrases such as "the new world order," but even more often, "the new world disorder" are used indiscriminately in hundreds of titles promising accounts of the international system & its events. Thus instead of seeing rhetoric & reality as mutually exclusive opposites (which happens whenever the rhetoric is relegated to the field of myths & lies), new studies of the Cold War now generally recognize the rhetorical component of reality. This article uses Pierre Bourdieu's concept of "cultural fields" & his theoretical focus on the international circulation of ideas to discuss the rhetoric of "soft power.". Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

The article analyses different ways of interpreting and presenting social realities on contemporary Lithuanian thea-tre stage. While analysing Lithuanian performances of the last two decades one might state that the increasing number of works deal with the problems of contemporary social reality, new identities and sociocultural phenom-enons. However there is a substancial difference between performances produced during the first decade of the Independence and the ones produced during the second one. During the first decade Lithuanian theatre direc-tors tried to contemplate about emerging realities and social problems with the help of contemporary drama texts, whereas during the second decade the new modes of reflection of relevant societal topics began to take shape: per-sonal stories, unmediated presence of actors, deconstruction of canonic texts or images. With the help of two case studies – performance of Mark Ravenhill's shoping and Fucking(1999, OKT) and oedipus the king(2002, OKT) by Sophocles, both directed by Oskaras Koršunovas the analysis of different possibilities of reflecting contemporary re-alities onstage is performed. At the same time article raised more general questions about the notions and strategies of social / political theatre in post-soviet Lithuania.

The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The article discusses E. Frazer and N. Lacey's feminist project of the theory of justice. The project is being developed through a critique of formalist methodo­logy, characteristic of Kantian liberal theories of justice, and is based on the idea of a methodological synthesis of social and political theory. The possibi­lity of synthesis is revealed through a combination of interpretivist and ontological realist approaches to the issue of justice. Their main reproach to Kantian theories of justice is that they are ill-equipped to endogenize mechanisms of social exclusion and domi­nation, operating in society, which fails to distribute justice so that it may serve a well-being of each indi­vidual person.

The links between national social economics trends and strategic statements of EU and Lithuanian political documents are analyzed in the master thesis work. In the first part of the work, the basics of the role of the State in economics are analyzed considering Lithuania to be a transitional economics. In second part of the master thesis work, the methodic of strategic economic planning is analyzed, the model of the research is constructed and the scenarios method is selected to do empirical research in the third part. In the third part, the results of long term economic strategy till 2015 are investigated and the real socio economic situation is evaluated. The strategic goals of Europa 2020 strategy are identified and its fitness to national socio economic trends is characterized. The logics and realism of set goals are evaluated considering hypothetical picture of Lithuania in 2020. In the fourth part of the master thesis work, the conclusion is drawn and recommendations for forward economic policy are suggested.