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From the perspective of the history of political and legal doctrines, the dichotomous way of looking at actuality through the prism of the struggle between realism and idealism is one of the classical approaches to social sciences. The basic source of knowledge for the political realism idea is the achievements of politicians, historians and philosophers, who are often at the same time creators of political and legal thought. In the research on political realism, however, one should, based on subsidiarity, also use the message found in the rhetorical speeches, recorded and preserved until today. Taking these reservations into account, the subject of the article is to analyze – in a rhetorical perspective – the classical political realism, with the simultaneous narrowing of the research field to international relations. The subject of the analysis are selected ancient Greek rhetorical speeches by authors such as Cleon, Diodotus, Pericles, Demosthenes, Andocides, Isocrates and Lysias. ; Z perspektywy historii doktryn polityczno-prawnych dychotomiczny sposób spojrzenia na rzeczywistość przez pryzmat zmagań między realizmem a idealizmem stanowi jedno z klasycznych ujęć nauk społecznych. Podstawowym źródłem poznania idei realizmu politycznego jest dorobek polityków, historyków czy filozofów, którzy często znajdują się jednocześnie w gronie twórców myśli polityczno-prawnej. W badaniach nad realizmem politycznym należy jednak, na zasadzie subsydiarności, korzystać także z przekazu znajdującego się w utrwalonych i zachowanych do dzisiaj mowach retorycznych. Uwzględniając te zastrzeżenia, przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza – w retorycznej optyce – klasycznego realizmu politycznego, z jednoczesnym zawężeniem pola badawczego do stosunków międzynarodowych. Przedmiotem analizy są wybrane starożytne greckie mowy retoryczne takich autorów, jak Kleon, Diodotos, Perykles, Demostenes, Andokides, Izokrates i Lizjasz.

The subject of this article is a critical reflection on how to analyse contemporary foreign policy. In times of ever-faster globalisation and deepening European integration two questions appear to be particularly important: to what extent are the classic(al) methods of explaining and analysing foreign policy still relevant? Are new theoretical concepts needed that are functional and useful? To accomplish the task described above, structural realism, as one of the major theories of international relations, has been juxtaposed with the very popular concept of Europeanization. Following this path, the relevant literature, consisting predominantly of Kenneth Waltz's works published after the end of the Cold War and the creation of the EU, has been reviewed and analysed. As for Europeanization, materials devoted to the specific issue of its impact on the foreign policies of European states and the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy as a whole has been used. To summarise, the attempt to combine and synthesize structural realism and the concept of Europeanization has been undertaken in search for an optimal (in a cognitive and explanatory aspect) method of analysing the foreign policies of EU Member States.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is an analysis of Witold Gombrowicz's position in reference to the archetype of Polish political culture. THE RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODS: The main problem undertaken in the article is an analysis of Witold Gombrowicz's position in reference to the question of Polishness, its components, and its relationship to Latin civilization. The article is based on an analysis of Gombrowicz's Diary. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article begins with a synthetic outline of two fundamental issues: the Latinness of European civilization and the debate surrounding the archetype of Polish political culture. This is followed by what constitutes the main body of the article: an analysis of Gombrowicz's views on Polishness. RESEARCH RESULTS: The most important result of the scientific analysis conducted here is the indication of the main theses of Gombrowicz's understanding of Polishness and of the relationship between Polishness and Latin civilization. Gombrowicz's conception is presented as an innovative approach to the problem, transcending traditional takes on Polishness as a specific type of realism. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: In his conclusions, the author indicates interpretative possibilities resulting from the perspective taken in the article, as well as areas that require further study, concerning such issues as the relationship between the Sonland and the Fatherland, and the culture of the Polish nobility during the "Saxon Era."

While many people all over the world become conscious about serious defects and inefficiencies of the prevailing political systems based on representative democracy, alternative solutions for more just and inclusive systems of governance continue developing. Alternative forms of democracy based on the idea of civic participation and deliberation have more and more followers, who are willing to implement innovative participatory and collective decision making practices in various areas and at various organizational levels. However, the strife for greater self-governance, reinforcement of citizens role in political decision-making processes and establishment of bottom-up control over public expenditures is often considered as a merely utopian project, especially by those who benefit most from the current status quo. In this article, I examine the fundamental ideological challenges for the new egalitarian approaches and argue that instead of making dichotomous distinction between utopianism and realism, realistically utopian approach is the most desirable.

Ukraine crisis is a manifestation of acute geopolitical rivalry between the West and Russia for inluence in Ukraine. A particular, bilateral aspect of this crisis is the limited conlict between Russia and Ukraine, in which the latter has lost Crimea and combats separatism in its eastern oblasts, Donetsk and Lugansk. The classical theories of political realism represented by Hans Morgenthau and Frederick Hartmann as well as offensive realism of John Mearsheimer are used to conduct the analysis of international aspect of this crisis. From this research perspective the article presents a brief history of the crisis and the motives of engaged parties, the West – including the United States, Poland and the European Union, as well as the motives of Russia. The paper highlights the rivalry level: geopolitical area over the spheres of influence, moreover military-strategic area as well as economic one. The author presents the consequences of the crisis for Ukraine, Poland and international order. And finally reflects on the key question – how out of the crisis? He presents proposals that suggest more restraint in the position of all parties involved in the crisis, and concludes that the crisis has shown that without cooperation with Russia is not possible an extension of Western influence and to realize the dream of Ukrainians of joining the European Union.

The article presents the most recent Polish analyses concerning the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli on the background of trends in the contemporary international literature on this thinker, focusing on Romuald Piekarski's book Koncepcja cnót politycznych Machiavellego na tle elementów klasycznej etyki cnót (Machiavelli's Concept of Political Virtues against the Background of the Classical Virtue Ethics, Gdańsk 2007). The author points out that Piekarski's work uses the methodology appropriate to the philosophy of politics, while the important monograph by Igor Kąkolewski, based on modern methodology of the study of political discourse, seeks to reconstruct an image of tyranny in the political culture of the Renaissance, and the book by Piotr Kimla devoted to political realism utilizes fairly typical methodological assumptions for the studies of political and legal thought. While in Piotr Kimla's opinion Machiavelli is a "philosopher of security" seeking to stabilize the state with a strong power, Piekarski regards Machiavelli as a philosopher whose postulates assume the superiority of foreign policy over domestic one, and thus lead the unsettling of the political institutions. In turn, Kąkolewski argues that Machiavelli's works are the key to understanding the sixteenth-century discourse on tyranny, which began the process – culminating in the nineteenth century – of axiological neutralization of such terms as "dictatorship" or "despotism". Romuald Piekarski's analyses, though carried out from a completely different point of view, correspond with those theses. According to Piekarski (who refers to famous Leo Strauss' thoughts), Machiavelli was a thinker who broke with the classical, i.e. antique and Christian, concept of virtue in politics, and the contemporary research on politics which assumes refraining from value judgment and axiological pluralism is a specific legacy of Machiavelli's approach. Following the considerations of Piekarski and Kąkolewski, the author of the article states that distant heritage of that approach is a kind of inability of contemporary reflection on the politics to explicitly, i.e., in an unambiguous manner, asses such political phenomena as tyranny.

The article presents the most recent Polish analyses concerning the thought of Niccolò Machiavelli on the background of trends in the contemporary international literature on this thinker, focusing on Romuald Piekarski's book Koncepcja cnót politycznych Machiavellego na tle elementów klasycznej etyki cnót (Machiavelli's Concept of Political Virtues against the Background of the Classical Virtue Ethics, Gdańsk 2007). The author points out that Piekarski's work uses the methodology appropriate to the philosophy of politics, while the important monograph by Igor Kąkolewski, based on modern methodology of the study of political discourse, seeks to reconstruct an image of tyranny in the political culture of the Renaissance, and the book by Piotr Kimla devoted to political realism utilizes fairly typical methodological assumptions for the studies of political and legal thought. While in Piotr Kimla's opinion Machiavelli is a "philosopher of security" seeking to stabilize the state with a strong power, Piekarski regards Machiavelli as a philosopher whose postulates assume the superiority of foreign policy over domestic one, and thus lead the unsettling of the political institutions. In turn, Kąkolewski argues that Machiavelli's works are the key to understanding the sixteenth-century discourse on tyranny, which began the process – culminating in the nineteenth century – of axiological neutralization of such terms as "dictatorship" or "despotism". Romuald Piekarski's analyses, though carried out from a completely different point of view, correspond with those theses. According to Piekarski (who refers to famous Leo Strauss' thoughts), Machiavelli was a thinker who broke with the classical, i.e. antique and Christian, concept of virtue in politics, and the contemporary research on politics which assumes refraining from value judgment and axiological pluralism is a specific legacy of Machiavelli's approach. Following the considerations of Piekarski and Kąkolewski, the author of the article states that distant heritage of that approach is a kind of inability of contemporary reflection on the politics to explicitly, i.e., in an unambiguous manner, asses such political phenomena as tyranny.

Autor przyjął założenia badawcze oparte na teorii realizmu politycznego. To pozwoliło mu przeanalizować kryzys ukraiński jako rywalizację mocarstw o Ukrainę. W rywalizacji tej z jednej strony uczestniczy Zachód, tj. USA i Unia Europejska, a z drugiej strony Rosja. Artykuł przedstawia motywy obu stron, uwzględniając w stanowisku Zachodu motywy zaangażowania Polski. Niejako dla zobiektywizowania analizy ukazuje stanowisko strony trzeciej, tj. mocarstw azjatyckich Indii i Chin oraz niezależnych ekspertów z krajów zachodnich. Następnie wskazuje na konsekwencje kryzysu ukraińskiego dla bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w Europie. W ostatniej części podejmuje próbę ukazania szans znalezienia porozumienia Zachodu z Rosją w celu rozwiązania kryzysu ukraińskiego. Stwierdza, że jest to potrzebne i możliwe, jednak pod warunkiem rezygnacji przez zaangażowane strony z "absolutnej satysfakcji" i zdecydowania się na kompromisowe rozwiązanie. ; The author has adopted the assumptions based on the theory of political realism. This allowed him to analyse the Ukraine crisis as powers rivalry on Ukraine. In this competition, on the one hand, attending West, the United States and the European Union and Russia, on the other hand. The paper presents reasons of both sides, taking into account within the position of the West the motives of Poland's involvement. To make the analysis objective it shows the position of a third party, i.e. Asian powers India and China, and independent experts from Western countries. Then the paper points the Ukraine crisis consequences for international security in Europe. In the last part attempts to show the chances of reaching an agreement between the West and Russia to solve the Ukraine crisis. It states that it is necessary and possible, but subject to the abandonment by the parties involved "absolute satisfaction" and decide on a compromise solution.

Próba odwrócenia politycznej "życiowej treści" powieści Śnieg (tur. Kar) tureckiego noblisty Orhana Pamuka z artystycznej abstrakcji do rzeczywistości. ; The article describes the hidden political content of the novel Snow (in Turkish: Kar) written by the Nobel winner Orhan Pamuk. Snow is analyzed in terms of tensions between artistic abstraction and realism.

Kryzysy energetyczne, a w szczególności kryzysy gazowe spowodowane konfliktem rosyjsko- ukraińskim wywarły istotny wpływ na politykę bezpieczeństwa energetycznego UE. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wpływu rosyjsko-ukraińskich kryzysów gazowych na rozwój polityki energetycznej UE, a w szczególności otoczenia regulacyjnego. Poczucie zagrożenia przyczynia się do zwiększenia solidarności wśród państw unijnych oraz zwiększa zdolności budowy koalicji politycznych. Wraz ze wzrostem agresywnej polityki energetycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej, która oparta jest o założenia szkoły realizmu, instytucje unijne wykorzystują instrumentarium oparte o założenia szkoły liberalizmu. W artykule została zastosowana metoda krytycznej analizy politologicznej oraz metoda analizy czynnikowej. Autor wykorzystał założenia teorii realizmu oraz liberalizmu. Wnioski przedstawione w artykule oparte są o technikę prognozowania. ; Energy crises, in particular the gas crises caused by the Russian Ukrainian conflict, have had a significant impact on EU energy security. The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the Russian- Ukrainian gas crisis on the development of EU energy policy, in particular its regulatory environment. Insecurity contributes to increased solidarity among EU states, resulting in their greater willingness to create political coalitions. With the growth of the aggressive energy policy of the Russian Federation, which is based on the school of realism, EU institutions respond with instruments taken from the school of liberalism. The paper is a critical analysis in terms of political science and factor analysis. The author uses the assumptions of both the theory of realism and that of liberalism. The conclusions presented in the article are based on a forecasting technique.

Kryzysy energetyczne, a w szczególności kryzysy gazowe spowodowane konfliktem rosyjsko-ukraińskim wywarły istotny wpływ na politykę bezpieczeństwa energetycznego UE. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wpływu rosyjsko-ukraińskich kryzysów gazowych na rozwój polityki energetycznej UE, a w szczególności otoczenia regulacyjnego. Poczucie zagrożenia przyczynia się do zwiększenia solidarności wśród państw unijnych oraz zwiększa zdolności budowy koalicji politycznych. Wraz ze wzrostem agresywnej polityki energetycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej, która oparta jest o założenia szkoły realizmu, instytucje unijne wykorzystują instrumentarium oparte o założenia szkoły liberalizmu. W artykule została zastosowana metoda krytycznej analizy politologicznej oraz metoda analizy czynnikowej. Autor wykorzystał założenia teorii realizmu oraz liberalizmu. Wnioski przedstawione w artykule oparte są o technikę prognozowania. ; Energy crises, in particular the gas crises caused by the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, have had a significant impact on EU energy security. The aim of this paper is to analyse the impact of the Russian- Ukrainian gas crisis on the development of EU energy policy, in particular its regulatory environment. Insecurity contributes to increased solidarity among EU states, resulting in their greater willingness to create political coalitions. With the growth of the aggressive energy policy of the Russian Federation, which is based on the school of realism, EU institutions respond with instruments taken from the school of liberalism. The paper is a critical analysis in terms of political science and factor analysis. The author uses the assumptions of both the theory of realism and that of liberalism. The conclusions presented in the article are based on a forecasting technique.

Publications in western specialized journals which describe the Russian Federation's international behavior have always followed a certain paradigm of international relations. The article is an analysis of opinions and beliefs held by commentators and analysts writing for "Foreign Affairs", based on their publications about the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation on march 2014. They have been scrutinized using three predominant theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. The research proved that western commentators and analysts writing about the annexation of Crimea usually present a single paradigm of international relations. Moreover, they believe it to be the only effective tool in explaining countries' foreign policy, thereby depreciating the value and usefulness of other paradigms. ; Publikacje w zachodniej prasie specjalistycznej dotyczące zachowań międzynarodowych Federacji Rosyjskiej od zawsze wpisują się w jakiś konkretny paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych. Artykuł jest analizą opinii i poglądów prezentowanych przez komentatorów i analityków publikujących na łamach "Foreign Affairs", przeprowadzoną na podstawie ich publikacji dotyczących aneksji Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską w marcu 2014 r. Przeanalizowano je przez pryzmat trzech teorii stosunków międzynarodowych głównego nurtu, tj. realizmu, liberalizmu i konstruktywizmu. W wyniku badań uzyskano potwierdzenie opinii, iż zachodni komentatorzy i analitycy zazwyczaj wyraźnie prezentują wybrany paradygmat stosunków międzynarodowych, pisząc o aneksji Krymu. Ponadto uznają, iż jest on jedynym skutecznym narzędziem wyjaśniania polityki zagranicznej państw, a tym samym deprecjonują znaczenie i przydatność pozostałych paradygmatów.

Law and Justice party was a "Euro-Atlantic" political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008-2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: 1) win the parliamentary elections; 2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian-American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.

Law and Justice party was a "Euro-Atlantic" political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008–2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: (1) win the parliamentary elections; (2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian – American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.

W niniejszym artykule autorka dokonuje wszechstronnej analizy prowadzonej przez Ukrainę wobec szeroko pojętego Zachodu polityki bezpieczeństwa. Charakteryzując ukraińską politykę bezpieczeństwa od momentu uzyskania przez państwo niepodległości, zwraca uwagę na warstwę zarówno koncepcyjną (dokumenty strategiczne, deklaracje polityczne), jak i realizacyjną (faktycznie podjęte działania). Rozważania w artykule zawierają w sobie zagadnienia historyczne i komparatystyczne dotyczące charakteru ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa prowadzonej wobec Zachodu, m.in. wobec Unii Europejskiej, NATO i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Do analizy niniejszej kwestii została wykorzystana jeszcze niezbyt ciesząca się popularnością wśród badaczy teoria realizmu neoklasycznego. Posiada ona dużą moc eksplanacyjną, ponieważ uwzględnia aspekty zewnętrzne, tkwiące w systemie międzynarodowym, jak i wewnętrzne, wynikające z sytuacji w samym państwie. Jako cel tego artykułu wyznaczono poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: dlaczego, w jaki sposób oraz pod wpływem jakich czynników zmieniała się pozycja Zachodu w polityce bezpieczeństwa Ukrainy? Wskutek przeprowadzonych badań potwierdza się postawiona hipoteza o stopniowym zbliżeniu się państwa ukraińskiego do Zachodu mimo niekonsekwentności w jego polityce bezpieczeństwa oraz niepewności Zachodu co do pogłębiania współpracy z nim. ; In this article, the author carries out a comprehensive analysis of the security policy pursued by Ukraine towards the broadly understood West. While describing the Ukrainian security policy since the state gained independence, it draws attention to both the conceptual layer (strategic documents, political declarations) and the implementation layer (the actions actually taken). The considerations in the article contain historical and comparative issues concerning the nature of the Ukrainian security policy towards the West, including towards the European Union, NATO and the United States. The theory of neoclassical realism, which is still not very popular among ...