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The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger. ; The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger.

The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger. ; The authors examine the national states development scenarios on the basis of two tendencies – the world government nascence and strengthening of the nation state. The ideas about inevitable formation to the 2000 year of the «world state» in the form of conflict-free and just united society of humanism in 1990-years failed. The possibilities of passing to more humane, just and intelligent society changed to the scenarios of split to parts civilization, contradictions between which were practically impossible to solve.By the end of XX century the determinative feature in investigation of the further existence of a sovereign state investigation becomes an inconsistency of the globalization process, which, despite expectations, at one time integrates and disjoins nations. The 1990s witnessed, that within global governance of the continuous "Shift of power" from governments of nation states to some new supranational structure of international management is not observed. Rather we talk about fundamentally new tendency of world development: at the global level both states and transnational formations own "the part" of power. The capital flows, which are consistently increasing, and products crossing national borders, making them more and more transparent, demand creation of coordinating bodies at the supranational level, but not as a shape of a "world government", but as collective actions of governments of several states. This model propsed by German political scientist W. Beck, is based on the idea of transnational state, namely community of states. The process of globalization provides arguments for supporters of the traditional theory of political realism, who claim, that in future development scenarios the main parts, as previously, belong to strong states and their nation interests, strength of which will be only increasing due to economic integration. The debates are kept only about whom in XXI century the leadership belongs to - traditional Western centers of power or East which grows stronger.

Bu çalışmada Belucilerin ulusçu istemlerini meşrulaştıran toplumsal faktörler değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirmenin yapılmak istenmesinin esas nedeni, Pakistan ve İran toprakların da bölünmüş halde yaşayan bu halkın yükselen ulusçu istemleriyle küresel/bölgesel aktörlerin stratejileri arasında yakın bir ilişkinin olmasıdır. Beluci ulusçuluğunun değerlendirilmesi hususunda ise Kopenhag Okulunun öngördüğü güvenlikleştirme yaklaşımı kullanılmıştır. Ulusçuluk girişimleri genel itibarıyla devletler arası ilişkiler üzerinden ve realist kuram bağlamında anlamlandırıldığı için, Beluci kimliğinin konsolide olmasında etkili toplumsal faktörlerin sosyal inşacılık üzerine temellendirilmiş bir yaklaşım olan güvenlikleştirme çerçevesinde ele alınması önemli bir farklılık oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmanın vardığı sonuç ise, Beluci ulusal kimliğinin Pakistan ve İranın toprak bütünlüğünü tehdit edebilecek ve bölgesel dengelere etki edebilecek şekilde kullanılabilecek bir toplumsal meşruiyete sahip olduğudur. ; Societal factors that legitimize the nationalist volition of Baloch people are evaluated in this study. Main reason for making this evaluation is the close relation between the rising nationalist volition among the Baloch people and the strategies of the global/regional actors. The approach of securitization that the Copenhagen School has provided is used in analyzing the Baloch nationalism. Assessing the societal factors , which are influential in consolidating the Baloch identity by using the approach of securitization, constitutes an important difference. This is because the nationalist attempts are generally interpreted via interstate relations and by implying on the theoretical frame of realism. The study has attained that the Baloch national identity possesses a societal justification that threatens the territorial integrity of Pakistan and Iran and also influences the regional balances.

This article analyses realist school in the Russian international relations scholarship & discusses the debates among Russian realists. It focuses on the characteristics of the newly emerging world order & the development of an adequate strategy for Russia to pursue in its international behavior. The authors argue that over the 1990s, realism has made considerable intellectual progress & has gained the status of a leading intellectual movement in Russia. It assisted Russian intellectual & political community in defining the country's interests & priorities in the emerging international relations, & it provided a necessary analysis of the world order's structure & polarity. 67 References. [Copyright 2004 The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

Analysis of literature on the artistic heritage of A.F. Pisemsky shows that some of the most important features of his world view and writing style were outlined by contemporary criticism. The first such attempts were made in the articles of A.V. Druzhinin about the novel "A Thousand Souls" and E.N. Edelson about the novel "Disturbed Sea". A.V. Druzhinin had seen the origins of A.F. Pisemsky in the conditions of Russian provincial life; E.N. Edelson assessed the writer's work in fact as a manifestation of the Russian cultural principle, free from the destructive national features of European influences. Already at this time critics determined the main essential features of the artistic manner of the writer. Numerous literary criticisms are the basis of historical and literary studies devoted to the work of A.F. Pisemsky. Evaluation of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky are contradictory. But the understanding of its artistic originality was established fairly quickly and almost did not change in course of the years, and it was supplemented and developed by critics and literary scholars of the most diverse political views and aesthetic preferences. The writer-realist A.F. Pisemsky recreated the physiology of Russian society, Russian way of life, Russian everyday life. This thesis is characteristic of both literary criticism, which belongs to critics of different aesthetic views and political sympathies, and historians of literature at the turn of the 19 th and 20 th centuries. In fact, in these assessments of the creative work of A.F. Pisemsky the matter of question refers to the naturalistic desire to accurately, adequately and in detail reproduce reality. Naturalism showed a keen interest in simple, everyday phenomena of life, namely this feature of the writer's work was marked by literary criticism. It was unanimously noted that A.F. Pisemsky sought to detail the everyday existence of man in keeping with the realistic aesthetic course. Sometimes in the criticism it was also about the "extreme realism" of the ...

The shift from electromechanical computing to fully electronic, digital, Turing-complete computing was one of the most in?uential technological developments of the twentieth century. The social, economic, political, interdisciplinary, and cultural aspects behind that shift were signi?cant, but are often ignored. When the contingencies and controversies behind the birth of modern computing are forgotten, the history of computing is often misrepresented as one of uncomplicated linear progress. In this article some of the sociocultural aspects of the birth of modern computing are reviewed. The signi?cance of interdisciplinary work is discussed. The concept of the stored-program paradigm is introduced, and some sociocultural factors behind its birth are discussed. Finally, it is argued that some traits of research that are often considered to be negative, such as opportunism, eclecticism, and stubbornness, have played a positive role in the birth of modern computing technology.

В статье автор рассматривает ключевые моменты в дискуссиях представителей разных направлений современной аналитической этики. Автор уделяет важное внимание дискуссиям между реалистами и сторонниками лингвистического релятивизма. Основной целью статьи является исследование проблемы обоснования теории морального реализма. Автор показывает значение интернализма и натурализма для становления теории морального реализма. Важное внимание уделяется проблеме связи теории морального реализма и утилитаризма. ; Author focuses on debates in contemporary analytic philosophy and analytic ethics. Author shows core points in conflict between realism and linguistic relativism in the history of analytic philosophy. In this context developed main tradition of analytic ethics. Author concentrated on methodological contradiction between them. Main objective of this research is to give proof to the theory of moral realism in analytic ethics. Moral realism was influenced by internalism and naturalism. Moral realism is also close connected with rule utilitarianism. Author shows great significance of methodological debates in analytic philosophy for modern political philosophy.

The dominance of neoliberal policies in Anglo-American countries during the past two decades has not only had a profound impact on the character and programs of major parties, but has also led to dramatic changes within the ranks of former Marxists and critical theorists. These former radicals now either believe that the old categories of Left and Right are irrelevant, or argue that the political concepts used by these historical movements have been largely rendered obsolete by contemporary conditions. The present article specifically focuses upon the quite different, contextually driven responses to neoliberal regimes by two post-Marxist schools of thought that are expressed in the American journal Telos and British journals, especially Economy and Society. These new exponents of an anti-Marxist Realpolitik not only oppose the universal values of the radical Left, but draw upon a mixture of traditions and theories that continue to be associated with anti-class and anti-Marxist elite theory. These anti-socialist analyses should not be ignored for they raise a number of pertinent questions to do with the possibility and the form of a viable alternative politics given the impact of neoliberalism, globalization and postmodern cultural processes on contemporary societies. 47 References. T. K. Brown

Criticizes Jeffrey C. Isaac's (2002) call for the Left to abandon its moral stance & embrace a realist perspective in light of the events of September 11 (2001) or face political irrelevance. At issue is the substance of pacifist arguments post-September 11. Pacifists are defended against Isaac's caricature of them, insisting that pacifism is not absolute &, in fact, contains elements of direct action & violence. Pacifism is distorted & marginalized by virtue of the broad idealization of so-called "realist politics," evidenced by the pervasive ontological absolutism of Isaac's essay; his rhetorical devices are chastised. This idealization of realism is seen as part of the dominant ideology of violence working to justify its excesses & inflate its achievements. The results of the Afghanistan war are used as an example. Agreeing with Isaac that a proper means-end balance is a difficult challenge for political thinkers, it is contended that the pacifist camp has played a positive role in countering realist support for utter reliance on military means to combat terrorism. In Jeffrey C. Isaac Responds, Isaac argues that Steger missed his point; the former's critique was aimed at a specific strand of pacifism for which any use of military force is anathema. Further, the antiwar statements that Isaac criticized lack any strategic subtlety with respect to current circumstances. Steger's evocation of Gandhi & King as examples of pacifists who deploy politically responsible nonviolent strategies seems out of touch with the reality of al-Qaeda's terrorism. Isaac defends his recent work against Steger's charge of idealizing violence or war. Dismissing Steger's charges, Isaac does suggest that he raises some important issues centered on the making of political judgments, the rhetoric of political criticism, & tragedy in politics. J. Zendejas

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The beginning of the Ukraine crisis, in sense of international relations a kind of symbolyses the relatively peaceful period between the United States and Russia,which had started with the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. It also highlights the importance of the crisis in Ukraine as a new, but the resurgent US and Russia competition as the two actors of international relations in the context of tension in international relations. Eastern and Central European region find themselves zoomed with Kremlin aggression in potential point. Among other things, the two biggest emerging international relations of participants in US-Russian struggle for power, raises fears of another international conflict threat. An important role attributable Eastern European region, especially in the Baltic countries, which are being formed for the new situation in international relations, kylančiuos Russian threat, finds himself elevated insecurity grėsmėje. Therefore, these arguments imply justification of the suitability of this study and further analysis. The work goal – is to find out what foreign policy and strategies of the United States is trying to influence Russia and its destabilizing policies in eastern Ukraine. Work tasks: 1.To present the theoretical foundations for the classical realism 2. To reveal the roots of the main triggers of the crisis in Ukraine and the influencing factors of the US and Russian interests in this crisis. 3. To analyze 2015 - US National Security Strategy and the US Supreme political leaders official positions on Russia's actions in Ukraine. 4. To analyze the US-Russian political relations between the Ukrainian crisis and provide essential analysis of US action on Russia's actions in the process of Ukraine crisis US action policies on Russia's actions in the context of the crisis in Ukraine is analyzed by combining several research methods: the official languages of the analysis of the event data set and applying descriptive and comparative methods. The paper concludes that the US-Russian relationship Ukraine crisis characterized by classical realism theory of consolidation. The fundamental basis of the work - the US action analysis of Russian aggression in the context of the crisis in Ukraine, confirmed active, coherent action program, although the National Security Strategy of the United States for more considering action policy programs. US actions on Russian aggression in Ukraine based on the economic, political and diplomatic spheres analysis showed that most US policy actions organized by the reaction principle of the case, nor the steering base.

The commitment to the rational actor model of state behavior is said to be a core assumption of realist theory. This assumption is listed in most textbook accounts of realism. Yet is rationality a core supposition of realist theory, and if so, what kind of rationality is implied in these claims? Debate on the relationship between realism, and what is often labeled as rationality is replete with misunderstandings. Authors deploy terms such as rationality, rationalism, and rational actor in diverse and contradictory ways. This article aims to cut through this confusion and provide an account of the different ways in which these terms are used in the field of International Relations (IR). We argue that much of the confusion surrounding rationalism/rationality in IR arises due to a failure to distinguish between rationalism as an epistemological position (the observer rationality assumption) and rationality as an ontological position (the rational actor assumption). We use this distinction to examine carefully the relationship between the concepts of rationalism/rationality in realist theory.

Recent re-readings of classical realism in International Relations have demonstrated that in their critique of modernity, mid-twentieth century realists put their focus on the development of a (self)critical and sceptical epistemology, a focus that often has been of little concern to other International Relations theories. So far, however, this debate on classical realism has not further elaborated realist methodologies, although this has the potential to make the current theoretical debate more accessible for empirical investigations. To this end, this article argues that mid-twentieth century realists pursued a method of unlearning. Unlearning is being understood as the critique and moving beyond the modern imaginary which preconditions everyday knowledge and intellectual thought in a dehumanizing way through a learning process based upon the study of classical texts. Examining the work of Hans Morgenthau, and the evocative if generally under-appreciated writings of the Japanese thinker Maruyama Masao, the article argues that unlearning is an important part of critical realist thinking.

The history of the CIAM organization and of its breakaway group Team 10 is one of the best documented and researched themes in recent architectural historiography, thanks to well-organized archives and doctoral programs. Its main protagonists, conferences, internal conflicts, communication and organizational systems have been discussed in numerous publications. Still, the method of dichotomization – generational conflicts, political divisions – tends to divert the attention from continuities and from the complex interrelations between the various lines of thought in- and outside CIAM. The lecture will trace three notions as three threads in the web: ruralism, humanism, and realism, to show their constitutive and transformative role in the fabric of post-war architecture. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion