Partiendo de su estupor ante el cuestionamiento por parte de Michel Villey del concepto de persona, se analiza la distinción del propio Cotta entre "persona jurídica" y "persona en sentido político", que se remite onto-fenomenológicamente a la existente entre "hombre político" y "hombre del derecho". El hombre político marcado por la "amistad" en "una comunidad", que se cierra comportando la "enemistad" como exclusión. El "hombre del derecho", marcado por el amor" al volverse hacia "la única" comunidad de hombres que acoge la alteridad en su singularidad. Partiendo de ello, el autor plantea las semejanzas y diferencias entre esa concepción de la persona y su propia teoría del "universal singular".
In: Revue belge de droit international: publication semestrielle de la Société Belge de Droit International = Belgian review of international law = Belgisch tijdschrift voor internationaal recht, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 104-156
In: Analele Universității București: Annals of the University of Bucharest = Les Annales de l'Université de Bucarest. Științe politice = Political science series = Série Sciences politiques, Band 10, S. 47-58
In his book Histoire de l'extrême droite en France (A history of the extreme right in France), the French historian Michel Winock shows how difficult it is to give a simple, accurate definition of the extreme right, which he presents as 'a hard political tendency but a soft concept'. However, one of the characteristics which are common to most extreme right-wing parties is that they tend to inscribe their discourse on identity (not only from a political point of view but also from a cultural or even biological point of view) inside a marginal space and even a space of marginality, a domain for marginal personalities.We shall see that those organisations choose to place themselves deliberately into the margins of the political landscape and that they do it in both senses of the term: first because their discourses sound scandalous to democratic parties and secondly because those speeches often reflect their will to exclude themselves from the political game. Indeed, extreme right-wing theorists and politicians frequently refuse to exercise power because they consider that such an activity is almost inevitably tainted with compromise and corruption. So they prefer resorting to verbal – or even physical – violence in order to attract voters eager to protest against the supposed unfairness of the establishment. That is why extreme right-wing factions have to face a difficult situation in which they need to be marginal and scandalous to exist, but in which democratic, governmental parties can easily use their marginal character to turn them into political scarecrows and ensure their own dominance in an even surer way.
Preliminary Material /C. Tomuschat , E. Lagrange and S. Oeter -- 1. The Right To Life – Legal And Political Foundations /Christian Tomuschat -- 2. 'Death Is Different' – The Death Penalty And The Right To A Fair Trial /Walter Kälin -- 3. Le recours à la force par la police /Paul Tavernier -- 4. The Duty To Investigate The Death Of Persons Arrested And/Or Detained By Public Authorities /Vera Rusinova -- 5. The Bundesverfassungsgericht On The German Aerial Security Law: A Sonderweg From The Perspective Of International Law? /Georg Nolte -- 6. Le crime de génocide dans la jurisprudence internationale : débats et hypothèses /Rafaëlle Maison -- 7. The Right To Life And The Relationship Between Human Rights And Humanitarian Law /Vera Gowlland-Debbas -- 8. The ICRC's Clarification Process On The Notion Of Direct Participation In Hostilities Under International Humanitarian Law /Nils Melzer -- 9. Collateral Damages – Military Necessity And The Right To Life /Stefan Oeter -- 10. The Status Of Captured Fighters In Non-International Armed Conflict /Michael Bothe -- 11. Les « combattants irréguliers» en situation d'occupation militaire /Philippe Weckel -- 12. Targeted Killings – A Challenge For International Law? /Stefanie Schmahl -- 13. Assassinats ciblés et droit à la vie dans la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême israélienne /Hélène Tigroudja -- 14. Le tyrannicide en droit international /Jean d'Aspremont -- 15. Le droit à la vie et le droit à une alimentation suffisante /Emmanuel Decaux -- 16. The Right To Life And The Right To Health, In Particular The Obligation To Reduce Child Mortality /Eibe Riedel -- 17. «Réfugiés écologiques» et droit international /Astrid Epiney -- 18. Conclusions générales : « Le droit à la vie en tant que jus cogens donnant naissance à des obligations erga omnes ?» /Pierre d'Argent -- Contributors (Biographical Notes) /C. Tomuschat , E. Lagrange and S. Oeter.
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"A Messieurs les Electeurs de L'arrondissement de Liège." ; Dated at end: 1878. ; Caption title: Massacres. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; In original paper wrappers.
Attribué à Joseph Sabin Raymond--Macmillan dictionary of Canadian biography / W.S. Wallace. ; Reproduction électronique. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Mode d'accès: World Wide Web. ; 44
The requirement of the internal and international public order justifies a limitation of the basic right to asylum. The Code of the entry and the stay from abroad and the right of asylum, the Geneva Convention of July 28th, 1951 and the EU law draw contours of this clause of public order. However, the candidate with asylum or the recipient of a protection can fear to be persecuted in the event of return in their country of origin. How consequently to understand a refusal of protection or withdrawal of a protective statute and the implementation of this clause? ; L'exigence de l'ordre public interne et internationale justifie une limitation du droit fondamental à l'asile. Le Code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers et du droit d'asile, la convention de Genève du 28 juillet 1951et la législation européenne dessinent les contours de cette clause d'ordre public. Pourtant, le candidat à l'asile ou le bénéficiaire d'une protection peuvent craindre d'être persécutés en cas de retour dans leur pays d'origine. Comment dès lors comprendre un refus de protection ou le retrait d'un statut protecteur et la mise en œuvre de cette clause ?
The requirement of the internal and international public order justifies a limitation of the basic right to asylum. The Code of the entry and the stay from abroad and the right of asylum, the Geneva Convention of July 28th, 1951 and the EU law draw contours of this clause of public order. However, the candidate with asylum or the recipient of a protection can fear to be persecuted in the event of return in their country of origin. How consequently to understand a refusal of protection or withdrawal of a protective statute and the implementation of this clause? ; L'exigence de l'ordre public interne et internationale justifie une limitation du droit fondamental à l'asile. Le Code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers et du droit d'asile, la convention de Genève du 28 juillet 1951et la législation européenne dessinent les contours de cette clause d'ordre public. Pourtant, le candidat à l'asile ou le bénéficiaire d'une protection peuvent craindre d'être persécutés en cas de retour dans leur pays d'origine. Comment dès lors comprendre un refus de protection ou le retrait d'un statut protecteur et la mise en œuvre de cette clause ?
