This paper tests the implication of the Stolper-Samuelson theorem that capital-poor individuals prefer more trade openness in poor (capital-scarce) countries and less trade in rich (labor-scarce) countries, by using a broad panel of countries and new exogenous determinants of trade openness. According to the seminal work in Mayer (1984), capital-poor individuals prefer more trade openness in poor (capital-scarce) countries and less trade openness in rich (labor-scarce) countries. We use the level of political rights as a proxy for the relative capital labor endowment of the median voter so that an increase in political rights should have asymmetric effects in poor and rich countries: an increase in political rights should lead to more openness in capital poor countries and less openness in capital rich countries. Our results show that, while both income per capita and political rights are positively associated with import intensity, their interaction has a negative and very robust negative association with openness. Increases in political rights lead to sizeable decreases in import intensity after a given income per capita threshold has been surpassed. Our results are robust to the inclusion of structural, geography and cultural determinants of openness, different estimation methods and different proxies for country endowments. ; N/A
Hernadi AffandiAbstrakThis paper highlights the regulation of political rights of civil servants (PNS) in Indonesia based on the 1945 Indonesian Constituions. Political rights are part of human rights that shall be guarded and protected by the State in the form of legislation ranging from constitution to its implementing regulations. The presence of regulation is substantial for safeguarding the existence and implementing political rights possessed by citizens, including civil servants. However, in practice there are restrictions by the lawmaker towards the political rights of the civil servants in Indonesia. In this regard, this paper attempts to highlight two issues: first, the position of civil servants in Indonesia in the 1945 Indonesian Constitution; second, the regulation of the political rights of civil servants in the implementing regulations of the 1945 Indonesian Constituion.Keywords: political rights, human rights, civil servants, 1945 Indonesian Constitution, implementing regulation. Pengaturan Hak Politik Pegawai Negeri Sipil di Indonesia AbstrakTulisan ini menyoroti pengaturan hak Pegawai Negeri Sipil (PNS) di Indonesia berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia tahun 1945 (UUD 1945). Hak politik merupakan bagian dari hak asasi manusia (HAM) yang harus dijaga dan dilindungi negara dalam bentuk pengaturan perundang-undangan mulai dari undang-undang dasar sampai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksananya. Kehadiran peraturan perundang-undangan tersebut menjadi penting agar keberadaan maupun pelaksanaan hak politik yang dimiliki warga negara, termasuk PNS, dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Dalam praktiknya, terdapat pembatasan yang dilakukan oleh pembentuk undang-undang terhadap hak politik PNS di Indonesia. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba menyoroti dua persoalan: pertama, kedudukan PNS di Indonesia dalam UUD 1945; kedua, pengaturan hak politik PNS dalam peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksana UUD 1945.Kata kunci: hak politik, hak asasi manusia, pegawai negeri sipil, UUD 1945, peraturan perundang-undangan. ; AbstractThis paper highlights the regulation of political rights of civil servants (PNS) in Indonesia based on the 1945 Indonesian Constitution. Political rights are part of human rights that shall be guarded and protected by the State in the form of legislation ranging from constitution to its implementing regulations. The presence of regulation is substantial for safeguarding the existence and implementing political rights possessed by citizens, including civil servants. However, in practice there are restrictions by the lawmaker towards the political rights of the civil servants in Indonesia. In this regard, this paper attempts to highlight two issues: first, the position of civil servants in Indonesia in the 1945 Indonesian Constitution; second, the regulation of the political rights of civil servants in the implementing regulations of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution.Keywords: political rights, human rights, civil servants, 1945 Indonesian Constitution, implementing regulation. Pengaturan Hak Politik Pegawai Negeri Sipil di IndonesiaAbstrakTulisan ini menyoroti pengaturan hak Pegawai Negeri Sipil (PNS) di Indonesia berdasarkan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia tahun 1945 (UUD 1945). Hak politik merupakan bagian dari hak asasi manusia (HAM) yang harus dijaga dan dilindungi negara dalam bentuk pengaturan perundang-undangan mulai dari undang-undang dasar sampai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksananya. Kehadiran peraturan perundangundangan tersebut menjadi penting agar keberadaan maupun pelaksanaan hak politik yang dimiliki warga negara, termasuk PNS, dapat berjalan sebagaimana mestinya. Dalam praktiknya, terdapat pembatasan yang dilakukan oleh pembentuk undang-undang terhadap hak politik PNS di Indonesia. Berkaitan dengan hal tersebut, tulisan ini mencoba menyoroti dua persoalan: pertama, kedudukan PNS di Indonesia dalam UUD 1945; kedua, pengaturan hak politik PNS dalam peraturan perundang-undangan pelaksana UUD 1945.Kata Kunci: hak politik, hak asasi manusia, pegawai negeri sipil, UUD 1945, peraturan perundang-undangan. DOI: https://doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v1n3.a6
Parliamentary threshold or political party threshold to occupy the people's representatives in parliament is a provision that has been regulated in the law. Article 414 paragraph (1) of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections regulates the existence of a parliamentary threshold. This means that the parliamentary threshold is legal. Especially based on legal considerations of the Constitutional Court in the Constitutional Court Decision Number 3 / PUU-VII / 2009 and Constitutional Court Decision Number 20/PUU-XVI/2018, the parliamentary threshold is an open legal policy so that it can be said to be constitutional. But in reality the application of the parliamentary threshold limits political rights. The limitation of political rights occurs to participants and voters in the General Election
Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I Theories and Concepts -- Chapter 1 Global Patterns and Debates in the Granting of Women's Suffrage -- Suffrage Adoption Trajectory -- Four Waves of Suffragism and Debates -- Suffragism in the Society of Civilized States -- Suffragism and Socialist Transnationalism -- Pan-American Suffragism -- Suffragism, Liberation Struggles, and Afro-Asian Solidarity -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 2 Gender and Electoral Behavior -- Gender and Electoral Participation -- Gender, Partisanship, and Vote Choice -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 3 The Political Representation of Women over Time -- Why It Is Important to Elect Women -- Women's Formal Representation -- Women's Descriptive Representation -- Women's Substantive Representation -- Women's Symbolic Representation -- The Quality of Representation Itself -- Global Patterns in the Election of Women to Parliaments -- No Change -- Incremental Gains -- Fast-Track Growth -- Plateaus -- Women in Parliament Today -- By Economic Development -- By Geographic Region -- By Level of Democracy -- With and Without Gender Quotas -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4 The Impact of Women in Parliament -- Policymaking -- Conceptualizing Women's Interests -- Context and Constraints -- The Policymaking Process -- Gender Quotas -- Public Attitudes -- The Political System -- Women as Leaders -- Female Citizens and Political Behavior -- Legislatures as Workplaces -- The Division of Labor -- Symbols, Images, and Ideologies -- Gendered Interactions -- Gendered Identity -- Organizational Logic -- Conclusion -- Bibliography -- Chapter 5 New Horizons in Women's Political Rights -- Creating a New Global Concept -- Definitions and Manifestations -- Emerging Solutions -- Conclusions -- References.
Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Information -- Contents -- Introduction Civil and Political Activism -- Chapter 1 Representative Government -- Chapter 2 Fair and Equal Treatment for All -- Chapter 3 Workers' Rights -- Chapter 4 Speech and Information -- What Can You Do? -- Source Notes -- Glossary -- Selected Bibliography -- Further Information -- Index -- Photo Acknowledgments -- Back Cover
"All states must make decisions about how to regulate the treatment of animals. In this book, Alasdair Cochrane argues that this must go further. In order to ensure that their interests are taken seriously, it is imperative that we represent them throughout the political process - not only rights to protection, but also to democratic membership"--
In recent years, the Anglo-American media landscape has pondered over an old problem: that of German hegemony in Europe. At the heart of this debate lies the question of geopolitics. Is Germany, deliberately or by accident, a regional hegemon, and do its political elites seek to reorganize Berlin's neighbours into a pan-European architecture that prioritizes Germany's national interest? This question is not as straightforward as it may sound, not least because geopolitical thought was long a taboo in Germany, due to its influence on the formulation of National Socialist ideology in the 1920s. This article thus seeks to answer this question by focusing not on the often sanitized statements of political leaders but on the ideas of think-tankers, journalists, political advisers and public intellectuals, many of whom have had a significant influence on the formulation of German foreign policy. The article argues that, while geopolitical ideas were long confined to the right-wing margins of the political spectrum, they are now much more prevalent in the political mainstream. As Germany's relations with the United States and Russia have gradually soured, this new German geopolitics has once again become preoccupied by the notion of Germany as a central power.
The pattern of government in Afro-Asian states has changed through the years from democracy to authoritarian systems. Writings that attempt to explain (while justifying) authoritarian regimes in the new states have prevailed in the literature about underdeveloped areas. Other writers, called revisionists, have questioned the more established position of the apologists. The revisionists' position, which has had inadequate coverage up to this time, is defended. Three lines of apology are taken in turn, & arguments raised to show that apologism is a questionable rationale. About these three lines of apologism, it is argued that: (1) opposition parties do not necessarily endanger national unity in heterogeneous societies, (2) achievement of adequate representation of a democratic type in a one-party system is dubious, & (3) peasants in these societies may well be suitable for participation in government, contrary to claims of the elites. Democracy in underdeveloped states may well be possible; at least rationales used to deny democracy are unconvincing. AA.