The Political Right Has Luxury Beliefs, Too
Blog: Reason.com
Support for industrial policy and protectionism are supposed to help the working class. Instead, these ideas elevate the already privileged.
Blog: Reason.com
Support for industrial policy and protectionism are supposed to help the working class. Instead, these ideas elevate the already privileged.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research
ISSN: 1475-6765
AbstractDo individuals with right‐wing populist ideologies have higher violence‐justification attitudes than those supporting different political ideologies? While the literature has confirmed the association between political violence and populism, research on which components of populist ideologies relate to individual attitudes towards political violence is relatively scarce. Based on 18 European democracies, this research note examines whether right‐wing populist individuals are more likely to justify political violence to pursue their political goals. The analyses reveal that right‐wing populists are generally more likely to justify political violence compared to mainstream voters and non‐voters. Additionally, left‐wing populist voters also support political violence, although the effect size is comparatively smaller. This indicates that voters' radicalisation depends on populist ideologies rather than left‐right ideological distinctions. The effect among right‐wing populists depends on city residence, gender and immigration status. Subsequent analyses suggest that right‐wing populists' attitudes towards violence are not conditional on nativism or anti‐immigration perceptions. These findings contribute to the general understanding of the nature and consequences of populism.
In: Contemporary political theory: CPT
ISSN: 1476-9336
AbstractThis article studies the response of the US disability community to the prevalent assumption that disabled people do not have a future, in the form of the disability rights movement. It provides an exploratory discussion of the key role played by utopianism in the response. In doing so, the article adds to critical theorizing on the importance of utopia to the oppression of non-dominant groups and to transcending that oppression. I use utopian studies scholarship to interpret the activities leading up to the passing of the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1990 as a minor utopia, characterized by an ambiguous, grounded, and provisional effort to imagine alternative ways of being. I articulate the central role played by a positive vision of disability and disabled people for this inversion of the historically negative relationship between utopia and disability. The article turns to disability activists to show that the movement countered exclusionary utopian approaches by acting as if it had a right to envision and enact a different, better future for all from the perspective of disability and disabled people.
In: New Perspectives in German Political Studies
Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: Far Right Failure: Parties of the Far Right in Germany, 1945-2023 -- Chapter 3: A Theory of Populist Far Right Issue Entrepreneurship in an Age of Dealignment -- Chapter 4: Emergence: The AfD and the European Debt Crisis in in the 2013 Federal Election -- Chapter 5: Breakthrough: The Refugee Crisis, Anti-Immigrant Sentiment, and the Success of the AfD in the 2017 Federal Election -- Chapter 6: Sustainment: The AfD and the COVID-19 Pandemic in the 2021 Federal Election -- Chapter 7: Strategies for Sustaining Success: Ideological Positioning and Fashioning a Party Brand -- Chapter 8: Sustaining Success Beyond the Core: Campaign Posters and the Professionalization of the AfD -- Chapter 9: Conclusion: Issue Entrepreneurship and the Future of the AfD.
In: Journal of European social policy
ISSN: 1461-7269
This article examines the impact of the radical right political discourse on welfare chauvinistic attitudes over time. Using data from two rounds of the European Social Survey (2008/09 and 2016/17), the Comparative Political Data Set and the Manifesto Project for 17 European countries, our analyses show that radical right mobilization and the salience of political rhetoric framed on cultural diversity and immigration issues have a significant positive effect on welfare chauvinist attitudes. Although in the years after the Great Recession and the refugee crisis, welfare chauvinism remained fairly stable among the general European public, the influence of radical right mobilization and negative political discourse on welfare chauvinism has significantly increased. Furthermore, we find that when radical right parties become stronger and the political rhetoric regarding cultural diversity and immigration becomes more salient, differences in welfare chauvinist attitudes between people with different political affiliations become more polarized. These results contribute to a broader understanding of the mechanisms underlying welfare chauvinistic attitudes and mark the importance of the inclusion of political factors in studies on welfare chauvinism.
Blog: PolitiFact - Rulings and Stories
Thirteen states are weighing abortion-related ballot measures, most of which would protect abortion rights. Abortion rights supporters hope to build on prior ballot wins. Republican groups opposing abortion are aiming to dissuade people from signing ballot petitions.
How did the United States descend into crisis, with institutions frayed, political violence mounting, and democracy itself in peril? This timely book identifies how the Tea Party and its extremist narratives laid the groundwork for the rise of Donald Trump, his MAGA movement, and the January 6, 2021, assault on the Capitol.Brigitte L. Nacos, Yaeli Bloch-Elkon, and Robert Y. Shapiro trace the escalation of a strain of extremist rhetoric in right-wing political discourse after the inauguration of Barack Obama. Drawing on extensive and in-depth analysis of political communication in both traditional media and online spaces, they demonstrate how the dominant rhetorical styles of the Trump era were pioneered by the Tea Party. A backlash to the election of the first Black president, this reactionary social movement deployed violent language and spread anti-Obama paranoia, with the assistance of media insiders, GOP leaders, and conservative advocacy groups. Donald Trump rose to political prominence by hitching himself to the "birther" racist conspiracy theory, espoused by many Tea Partiers, and drew from their aggressive and hyperpartisan repertoire. Ultimately, this book shows, the increasingly violent rhetoric of right-wing extremists spilled over into real-world political violence. Revealing the path the Tea Party blazed to Trump and the insurrectionists, Hate Speech and Political Violence provides timely new insights into the threats facing American democracy
In: Fascism and the Far Right
"Far-Right Ecologism explains how the ongoing mainstreaming of the far right has prompted greater engagement with a range of topics, including the environment. Behind the façade of vote-winning strategies, the far right has provided a substantive ideological engagement with the natural environment. Building on the nationalist bent of early green thought and the perceived nexus of pristine nature and cultural purity, Far-Right Ecologism has ideologically adopted the green elements of other ideologies, such as conservatism and fascism, but also of those considered to be 'thin-centred', such as nationalism and populism. Through an authentic experience of learning from the Eastern European, post-socialist realms, this book explores the ideology, ecological discourse, and policy proposals behind the increasing impact of far-right actors on environmental politics in Hungary and Poland. Each chapter begins with stories from the interviewees to illustrate how the far right in Hungary and Poland attempts to permeate environmental politics and even forge partnerships with green actors through specific, local-based policy contributions. Drawing on the findings from a range of sources, such as electoral programs, ideological texts and manifestos, social media and public speeches, policy proposals, and more than forty in-depth interviews with far-right representatives, this book also assesses epistemological and methodological challenges in examining the environmental dimension of far-right, post-socialist politics. The book will be valuable reading for researchers with an interest in the far right, environmental politics and Central Eastern Europe"--
In: Comparative political studies: CPS
ISSN: 1552-3829
Political economy literature documents how financial investors are more partial to right executives than left ones. Right cabinets face lower interest rates, less volatile stock prices and exchange rates, and higher credit ratings than left cabinets, even after accounting for fiscal differences. But does this advantage persist if right governments accommodate far right parties or ideas? I hypothesize that because far right populism can introduce political instability, markets' evaluation of right executives might deteriorate if they enter coalition with far right parties or adopt their positions. Employing a panel analysis of bond spread data, and a comparative case study of the Netherlands and Sweden, I find that right executives enjoy significantly lower spreads than their left-wing counter-parts, but this advantage disappears if they rule in coalition with the far right or produce overly right-wing manifestos. These findings highlight that right parties may encounter tangible borrowing costs and market rebuke if they accommodate far right populism.
Cover -- Contents -- 1 Muslims murdering Christmas -- 2 Me Too and the rise of the Feminazi -- 3 Black Lives Matter stole my statue -- 4 Trans people are a menace to god-fearing toilets -- 5 Cancel culture and the cancellation of the space-time continuum by the woke left -- 6 The immigrants are eating the white working class! -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.
"How did the United States of America, the oldest continuous democracy, arrive at January 6, 2021? Following years of rising partisan conflict, the mass media's amplification of the Tea Party movement and their embrace of anti-Obama conspiracy theories were crucial building blocks in the rise of Donald Trump. In 2019, President Trump told an interviewer, "The Tea Party was a very important event in the history of our country...The Tea Party still exists-except now it is called Make America Great Again." As Trump became the leader of what was, in effect, a merging of the Tea Party and Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement, his aggressive rhetoric and outright hate speech helped to increase the existing political divisions to hyper-polarization. This book argues that American political communication began a continuous toxic spin after the founding of the Tea Party merely a month after Barack Obama was inaugurated. It argues that the interconnectivity of political communication facilitated and even promoted the Tea Party during its formative first years along with anti-Obama conspiracy theories that were embraced by its supporters. In the early stage of Tea Party, the movement's activists organized mass protest rallies, often with the assistance and participation of FOX News political talk show hosts, who highlighted the anti-Obama and anti-Washington outrage of rank-and-file members and supporters. "Contemporary politics is primarily media politics," and this book argues that Tea Partiers and anti-Obama conspiracy theorists exploited the off-line and online mass media power-making space and paved the way for Donald Trump's unorthodox candidacy and presidency. Through textual analysis of thousands of tweets, speeches, and public opinion data, the authors demonstrate how the inflammatory rhetoric of the Tea Party and Trump era expanded the earlier partisan and demographic divisions in the United States into a hyper-polarized conflict that sometimes led to real-world violence"--
In: Routledge studies in human rights
Fundamental rights protection in domestic constitutions -- Fundamental rights protection at the supranational level : the case of the European Union -- International human rights law -- Conclusion : the legal status of extraterritorial human rights obligations -- Setting the scene -- Statist objections to extraterritorial human rights obligations -- A justificatory theory of extraterritorial human rights obligations -- Translating ethical principles to legal interpretation -- The interpretation of jurisdiction -- Concluding remarks.
In: Human rights quarterly, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 140-161
ISSN: 1085-794X
ABSTRACT: In this article I challenge the interpretation of refugees as passive beneficiaries of political decisions and make a case for their enfranchisement. Starting from literature regarding the boundary problem of democratic theory, I make a republican case for including refugees in the demos. My novel approach emphasizes that bestowing electoral rights upon refugees is a separate question from offering them full citizenship. Enfranchising the refugees is a separate, and temporary prior measure of ensuring that their freedom is protected and that their rights are not imperiled by arbitrarily imposed decisions, at least in a world which is operating under a regime of controlled, closed borders. This preoccupation with feasibility constraints also aims to separate this article from recent contributions that defended the enfranchisement of refugees.