It had undoubtedly been the inadequate political & legal structure of the ethnic status & relations in the Socialist Republic of Bosnia & Herzegovina as well the unwillingness of the political elites to make a compromise that created a rather favourable potential for destructive shaping of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian social conditions. Immediately before the outbreak of war in BH (1992-1995) the preconditions had been created for a comparatively peaceful settlement of the unresolved political issues within the republic. Taking into consideration that the international community had assumed to act as a mediator its role could have been very important. However, with its "pre-war" position to BH it did not take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to settle or simplify the internal Bosnian & Herzegovinian political disputes, but, on the contrary, it contributed to the outbreak of war, its destructiveness & long duration, getting itself into a rather awkward position. Map, References. Adapted from the source document.
Late Antiquity, known as a transitory phase between Antiquity and the Middle Ages that encompasses the 4th-6th centuries, was characterized by major historical events that led not only to political and administrative changes, but also social, cultural and religious changes. This paper will elaborate the impact of these changes in the province of Dardania, of which the central territory corresponds to today's Kosovo, with a specific focus on the spread of Christianity and Christian architecture and changes in settlement patterns, as people moved from field settlements to hillforts. Moreover, it will present architectural features and the role of fortifications in Late Antiquity. ; Kasna antika, prijelazno razdoblje iz antike u srednji vijek, odnosno period od 4. do 6. stoljeća, obilježena je važnim povijesnim događanjima koja su rezultirala promjenama ne samo u političkom i administrativnom smislu, već i u društvenim, kulturnim i religijskim aspektima. Ovaj rad bavi se utjecajem tih promjena u provinciji Dardaniji, čije je središnje područje smješteno na današnjem Kosovu. Posebna pažnja bit će posvećena širenju kršćanstva i kršćanske arhitekture, promjenama u naseljima, te premještanjima stanovništva iz nizinskih naselja na gradine. U radu se donose i karakteristike arhitekture i uloga fortifikacija u kasnoj antici.
Autorica donosi popis djela koja obrađuju prilike i zbivanja u Hercegovini i Bosni u razdoblju ranoga novog vijeka. Radovi su podijeljeni u nekoliko tematskih cjelina: organizacija i struktura osmanske vlasti i društva, politička i vojna povijest, društvene prilike – migracije i položaj pučanstva, gospodarske (privredne) prilike, vjerske prilike, općenito o gradskim naseljima i kulturna povijest. Radovi koje je bilo teško uvrstiti u jednu od navedenih cjelina čine posebnu cjelinu naziva "Ostalo". ; In this article the author gives a list of works dealing with events and occasions in Herzegovina and Bosnia in the early Modern age. The works are divided into several thematical units: the organization and structure of Ottoman government and society, military and political history, social circumstances – migrations and the position of the population, economic circumstances, religious circumstances, urban settlements and cultural history. The works, whose includement in one of these groups was problematic, were put under a separate unit named "Other".
U radu se na temelju empirijskog istraživanja (intervjui), provedenog u Bjelovaru 2017. g., analiziraju stavovi Albanaca u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji o njihovom dolasku te integraciji u lokalne zajednice i u hrvatsko društvo, kao i o oblicima i uspješnosti te integracije. U Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u zadnja tri popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.), udio Albanaca kreće se od 0,4% do 0,6% u ukupnoj populaciji županije, a njihov broj iznosi 608 (1991.), 755 (2001.) i 743 (2011.). U novom i drugačijem sociopolitičkom i kulturnom ambijentu, migranti uglavnom čine manjinsku populaciju, a njihov nacionalni identitet dolazi pritom u različita iskušenja. U slučaju Albanaca, postoje neke specifičnosti koje otežavaju integraciju u lokalne zajednice, ali doprinose unutargrupnoj koheziji i očuvanju nacionalnog identiteta. Najveća brana asimilaciji u njihovom slučaju je jezična različitost, a zatim set tradicionalnih vrijednosti i patrijarhalnih obrazaca, koji u sinergiji ovu nacionalnu zajednicu čine zatvorenijom u odnosu na većinu drugih takvih kolektiviteta. Provedeno empirijsko istraživanje (polustrukturirani intervjui), kao svoje ciljeve imalo je spoznaju stavova pripadnika albanske nacionalne manjine u županiji, te spoznaju o njihovom nacionalnom identitetu, problemima integracije u lokalno društvo (i šire, hrvatsko), te njihovu organiziranost u cilju sprječavanja asimilacije i očuvanja nacionalne posebnosti. Intervjuirano je ukupno osam ispitanika, pripadnika muške populacije, u dobi od 34 godine do 68 godine. Intervjuirani su rođeni u sljedećim naseljima: Prizren, Đakovica, Bobovac (Kosovo), Pakrac (Hrvatska), dok su njihova mjesta življenja: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, Predavac (Bjelovarsko-bilogorska županija). Odgovori ispitanika pokazuju da su Albanci uglavnom uspješno integrirani u naselja i gospodarski segment Bjelovarsko-bilogorske županije. U Hrvatsku dolaze najviše iz socioekonomskih razloga, rješavanja posla i poboljšanja vlastite egzistencije u odnosu na mjesta i kraj iz kojeg su stigli u županiju. Načini dolaska su najčešće individualni i porodični, koji rezultiraju u konačnici lančanom migracijom, postupnim dolaskom članova uže i šire porodice. Integraciju u društvo su im olakšala i neka specifična zanimanja u kojima su Albanci vrlo umješni, kao što su pekari, slastičari i zlatari. Albanci su organizirani u Bjelovarsko-bilogorskoj županiji, u kulturnoj i političkoj sferi, a važan činilac očuvanja njihovog nacionalnog identiteta je i obrazovanje, što se na prostoru županije manifestira kao korištenje C modela u obrazovanju učenika njihove nacionalne manjine. ; Based on the empirical research (interviews) conducted in Bjelovar in 2017, the paper analyzes the standpoints of the Albanians in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County on their settlement and integration in both local community and Croatian society, as well as on the forms and success thereof. In the last three censuses conducted in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County (in 1991, 2001, and 2011), the share of the Albanians ranged between 0.4% and 0.6% in the total county population, their number having amounted to 608 (in 1991), 755 (in 2001), and 743 (in 2011). In the new and different socio-political and cultural environment, migrants mainly form minority populations, whereby their national identity is tested in various ways. As the Albanians are concerned, there exist certain specificities, which, despite making the integration in local communities complicated, have contributed to the cohesion within the group and the preservation of national identity. The strongest hinderances to assimilation are – in their case – primarily linguistic diversity, and secondly a set of traditional values and patriarchal patterns; together, they have led to a larger-scale closeness of this national community in relation to the majority of other communities of this kind. The objective of the conducted empirical research (semi-structured interviews) was to determine the standpoints of the members of Albanian national minority in the county, awareness of their national identity, problems of integration in the local community (and Croatian society), and their high level of organization with the aim of preventing assimilation and preserving their national specificities. Eight respondents – members of male population between 34 and 68 years of age – have been interviewed. The respondents were born in the following towns/settlements: Prizren, Đakovica, and Bobovac (Kosovo), and Pakrac (Croatia); whereas their places of residence are as follows: Drljanovac, Bjelovar, Velika Pisanica, and Predavac (in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County). The responds have shown that the Albanians have to the most part been successfully integrated in their places of residence and the economic segment of the Bjelovar-Bilogora County. Their settlement in Croatia has mostly been due to socio-economic reasons, with the aim of finding employment and advancing their own existence in comparison with the life they had had in their previous places of residence. The Albanians usually arrive in Croatia individually or as close families; this eventually results in chain migration – i.e. gradual arrival of members of wider families. The integration of the Albanians in the society has been made easier thanks to several specific professions they have mastered, such as bakers, pastry cooks and goldsmiths. The Albanians are in the Bjelovar-Bilogora County involved in both the cultural and the political spheres; a further major factor in preserving their national identity is education, manifested in this county by using the C model in the education of students – members of their national minority.
Autor obrađuje ostatke fortifikacija na brdu Drid kod Marine. Drid se prvi put spominje u djelu Cosmographia anonimnog pisca iz Ravene kao Drido. Isti lokalitet sredinom 12. st. spominje i arapski geograf Edrisi kao Wawguri (Lawgaru), kada je utvrda bila srediste Dridske županije. Ustanovljene su dvije arhitektonske faze u izgradnji fortifikacija. Prvu čini sama kasnoantička utvrda na Velom vrhu, dok drugu predstavlja dugi vijugavi zid koji obuhvata Mali vrh. Pomoću njega je cijelo brdo Drid bilo utvrđeno ; The author discusses the archaeological remains on Drid hill in the municipality of Marina, some ten kilometres west of the town of Trogir. The remains pertain to a fortress from late antiquity, mentioned in the book »Cosmographia« by an anonymous writer from Ravenna at the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th century, as Drido (Orido). This site indicates that a number of the toponyms mentioned by Anonymous of Ravenna are centres that were founded or grew in significance during late Antiquity, some being fortresses from that time. The Drid fortress was also described by the Arabian geographer Edrisi whose work Tabula Rogeriana and Kitabu al Rogger (Roger's Book) was completed in 1154. Here the fortress appears under the name of Wawguri (Lawgaru), and is described as one of the most beautiful and most easily defended towns on the eastern Adriatic. Edrisi tells of fast ships and men that set off on long voyages (most probably referring to sailors). The archaeological remains of the harbour are visible at the foot of the eastern slope of the hill. The remains of a rampart on Veli Vrh are known to have been part of the Drid fortress as described by Edrisi, whereas the second, winding rampart stretching towards Mali Vrh was constructed at a later date. With the addition of this wall, the entire hill became fortified. The exact date of construction of these defensive walls, however, is not known, but the fact that they were incorporated into the existing fortress would indicate that they were temporally not far apart. An 11th century source mentions the existence of district prefects at Drid which proves that it must have been the centre of one of the old Croatian districts (Zupanija). The political significance of Drid began to diminish with the lessening antagonism between the Dalmatian towns and the nearby Croatian hinterland, when the Croatian gentry began to take an interest in the political life of the towns and a large part of Drid's land was gained by the church of Trogir in the first half of the 13th century. In 1226 the Trogir Bishop Treguanus received Drid land from Duke Koloman on the occasion of the completion of the cathedral. Drid lost its function at the beginning of the 16th century and its population sought new shelter nearer to the sea, on the site of today's settlement of Marina.
U radu se istražuje kako zastupnici u Hrvatskom saboru percipiraju političku moć korisnica materinskih domova u Hrvatskoj te kakve iznose naknada iz sustava socijalne skrbi (zajamčene minimalne naknade i naknade za troškove stanovanja) zastupnici smatraju primjerenima korisnicama nakon otpusta iz domova. Konačno, istražuje se postoji li povezanost između percepcije zastupnika o političkoj moći korisnica i naknada iz sustava socijalne skrbi koje zastupnici predlažu. Percepcija o političkoj moći korisnica iskazana je kao stav zastupnika o značajnosti udjela korisnica u glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske te o sklonosti zastupnica mobilizaciji i pristupanju javnim dužnosnicima. Istraživanje je provedeno anketiranjem zastupnika, a rezultati daju naslutiti kako zastupnici vjeruju u nesklonost korisnica mobilizaciji i obraćanju javnim dužnosnicima. Međutim, najveći dio zastupnika niti se slaže niti ne slaže s tvrdnjom da je udio korisnica materinskih domova u ukupnoj glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske beznačajan. Zastupnici su, u prosjeku, predložili iznose zajamčene minimalne naknade i naknade za troškove stanovanja koji su znatno viši od iznosa koje je na temelju zakona zaista moguće ostvariti u sličnim situacijama. Također, rezultati pokazuju kako zastupnici koji iskazuju veći stupanj slaganja s tvrdnjom da korisnice materinskih domova nisu sklone mobilizaciji predlažu manji iznos zajamčene minimalne naknade i manji iznos naknade troškova stanovanja za pomoć majkama nakon otpusta iz domova. Međutim, nije dokazana povezanost percepcije zastupnika o udjelu korisnica u ukupnoj glasačkoj snazi Hrvatske s iznosima naknada koje su zastupnici predlagali, kao ni povezanost predloženih iznosa s percepcijom zastupnika o tendenciji korisnica da se za pomoć obrate javnim dužnosnicima. ; This paper explores how members of the Croatian Parliament perceive the political power of maternity home users in Croatia, expressed as Parliament members' views on the voting strength of maternity home users, propensity to mobilize and propensity to approach public officials for help. Additionally, it explores the benefit amounts of the welfare system they consider appropriate for users upon exiting maternity home (specifically the guaranteed minimum benefit and assistance of housing settlement costs). Ultimately, the paper investigates whether there is a correlation between the Parliament members' perceptions of the political power of maternity home users and the benefits of the welfare system proposed by the members. The results of a survey suggest that members of Parliament believe that maternity home users are reluctant to mobilize and approach public officials for help, while members neither agree nor disagree with the statement that the share of maternity home users in the total voting strength of Croatia is insignificant. Members of the Parliament proposed a guaranteed minimum benefit and amount of assistance in the settling of housing costs that are significantly higher than amounts actually achievable in similar situations under Croatian law. Also, the results show that members of the Parliament who express a greater degree of agreement with the statement that maternity home users are not likely to mobilize are proposing a lower guaranteed minimum benefit and a lower amount of assistance in the settling of housing costs. However, no correlation was found between Parliament members' perceptions of the maternity home users' voting strength and the amounts of welfare benefits proposed by Parliament members. There was also no correlation found between the members' perceptions of the maternity home users' tendency to approach public officials for help and the amounts of welfare benefits proposed by Parliament members.
Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.
U nastojanju da se obuhvate i valoriziraju skulpture i spomenička plastika na javnim prostorima naselja Gospić ovaj rad vremenski obuhvaća razdoblje od 1990. godine do danas.1 Kako grad Gospić u svojem sastavu ima 50 naselja, rad se bavi samo spomen-obilježjima i skulpturama naselja Gospić čija je najveća koncentracija, između ostalih, baš u najužem središtu grada – Trgu Alojzija Stepinca i parku Kolakovac. Unatoč tematski i tipološki različitim kiparskim radovima, njihovo umetanje u tkivo grada na svoj je način vezano za gospićki suvremeni život, njegovo društvo i politiku. Indikativan je utjecaj Domovinskog rata i drugih političkih, kao i društvenih okolnosti na podizanje, ali i uklanjanje skulptura i javnih spomenika na samom prijelazu iz 20. u 21. stoljeće. Kritički se promatra postavljanje recentnih umjetnički izvedenih spomen-obilježja u Gospiću, kao i analizira spomenički inventar iz spomenutog razdoblja. Nakon 2010. godine u gospićkom javnom prostoru javljaju se, uz mnogobrojna poprsja, i konceptualne skulpture, a rad se bavi i projektom povratka i postavljanja spomenika Nikoli Tesli kipara Frana Kršinića. ; In an effort to include and valorize sculptures and monuments in the public spaces of Gospić, this paper covers the period from 1990 to the present.49 As the city of Gospić consists of 50 settlements, the paper deals only with memorials and sculptures at Gospić, with their greatest concentration, among others, in the very center of the town – Alojzije Stepinac Square and Kolakovac Park. Despite thematically and typologically different sculptural works, their placement into the urban tissue is in a specific way related to the contemporary life of Gospić, as well as its society and politics. The influence of the Homeland War and other political, as well as social circumstances on the construction and removal of sculptures and public monuments at the very transition from the 20th to the 21st century is quite indicative. The work also critically observes the installation of recent artistically executed memorials in Gospić and analyses the monument inventory from previous years. It also deals with conceptual sculptures which appeared in the public space of Gospić along with numerous busts after 2010, and finally, with the project of returning and re-erecting of the monument to Nikola Tesla by sculptor Fran Kršinić.
Polarizacijski procesi započeti u Hrvatskoj 1950-ih rezultirali su nejednakim društveno-ekonomskim razvojem i prostornim prerazmještajem stanovništva, te koncentracijom stanovništva, radnih mjesta i stanova u gradskim naseljima. Obalni gradovi kao polovi i nositelji društveno-gospodarskog razvoja u svojim regijama postaju žarišta koncentracije stanovništva, a otoci i zaleđe prostori populacijskoga pražnjenja i starenja. Intenzivno doseljavanje pozitivno se odrazilo na demografski razvitak većih obalnih gradova, pa oni postaju nositelji bioreprodukcije i sve do posljednjega međupopisnoga razdoblja (1991.-2001.) bilježe dinamičan populacijski rast. Političke i gospodarske promjene te posljedice rata produbile su i ubrzale ionako nepovoljne demografske procese, što se ogleda u ukupnoj depopulaciji te pogoršanju struktura stanovništva obalnih jadranskih gradova. Smanjenje rodnosti, starenje stanovništva te promjene životnih vrijednosti i novi životni stil dovode do transformacije obitelji i promjena u veličini kućanstava i odnosa među članovima. Opća je tendencija postupno smanjivanje broja višečlanih kućanstava i neprestani rast udjela dvočlanih i samačkih kućanstava. ; Polarisation processes, which began in Croatia in the 1950's, resulted in disparate socio-economic development, in an uneven spatial distribution of the population, and in a concentration of people, jobs and housing in urban settlements. Coastal cities, as hubs and agents of socio-economic development, in their regions became focal points for the concentration of the population, while islands and hinterland areas suffered depopulation and demographic ageing. Intense in-migration had a positive influence on the demographic development of coastal cities. They became hotbeds of bioreproduction and up to the most recent intercensus period (1991–2001) displayed dynamic population growth. However political and economic changes in this recent period, together with the effects of the war, deepened and accelerated increasingly unfavourable demographic processes, which were reflected in an overall reduction of the population of coastal Adriatic cities, as well as in a deterioration of its structure. Decreasing fertility, demographic ageing and changes in life values brought about a transformation of the family, and hence changes in the size of households and in the relations among family members. The general trend today involves a gradual reduction in the number of household members, and a continuous increase in the number of two and one-member households.
U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorijana lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first part of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government system, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government system and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government system. The principles related to the whole local self-government system are coverage, stability, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, while the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local selfgovernment units, financial capacity and independence, democratic quality of local governance, and accessibility of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and problems concerning its implementation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implementation of certain principles related to territorial determination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government. The second part of the analytical framework containing the main problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.
U radu se izlaže prvi dio prijedloga analitičkog okvira za opće razmatranje teritorijalne osnove lokalne samouprave. Obrađene su dvije sastavnice tog okvira: 1. opća načela na kojima se treba zasnivati podjela teritorija na lokalne samoupravne jedinice i 2. uvjeti koji ograničavaju odnosno faktori koji utječu na teritorijalnu podjelu. Valjanost analitičkog instrumentarija provjerava se na komparativnom materijalu. ; The paper contains the first pan of the analytical framework for theoretical analysis of the territorial basis of local self-government. Two components of the framework have been dealt with: 1 ) general principles on which territorial organisation should be based in any developed local self-government System, and 2) conditions that limit and factors that influence any territorial organisation. With regard to general principles, the author differentiates between the principles of the territorial basis of the whole local self-government System and the principles related to the determination of the territory of individual local self-government units, i.e., parts of local self-government System, The principles related to the whole local self-government System are coverage, stabïlity, rationality, and organisational adequacy of the territorial division, whïle the principles on which the territory of local self-government units should be based are the wholeness of a self-government unit, uniformity of local self- government units, financial capacity and independence, démocratie quality of local governance, and accessïbïlity of local services. Each principle has been analysed with regard to its limitations and Problems concerning its implémentation. The author points out contradictory implications that may arise from the implémentation of certain principles related to territorial détermination of local self-government units. The second component of the analytical framework deals with objective conditions and subjective factors that determine and influence territorial organisation. These conditions and factors have been grouped and systematised into eight groups according to the degree of their invariance: natural characteristics of the territory; network and types of settlements; population characteristics; administrative-territorial tradition; level of economic development; transport and communication networks; efficiency and effectiveness of local services; and political aims and interests. The validity of analytical tools has been corroborated by the examples from comparative local self-government, The second part of the analytical framework containing the main Problems of any territorial division to local self-government units and their possible solutions is forthcoming.
Napor na uključenju načela održivosti u osnove prostornog planiranja u današnjem postsocijalističkom svijetu traži nove odnose između ustaljenih i suvremenih sudionika. Pojedini interesenti uključeni u razvoj, upravljanje i politiku djeluju na ishod regionalnih i urbanih sustava u Hrvatskoj ponekad bez obraćanja pozornosti na održivost. Njihovo djelovanje pokazuje nedostatak svijesti i negativan odnos prema održivosti u planerskoj praksi gdje je glavni cilj unaprijediti kakvoću života sadašnjih i budućih naraštaja. Bez dobrih ideja o nosivim kapacitetima i održivosti, neki od ovih sudionika zanemaruju planerska znanja i ekspertizu (CAVRIĆ, NEDOVIĆ – BUDIĆ, 2007.). Vještinama i znanjima planeri ih savjetuju, međutim, glavna pokretačka sila još je uvijek politički utjecaj. Takvi predlagači uspijevaju zaštititi svoje osobne probitke glede prostora i zemljišta nauštrb javnosti i običnih građana, podržavajući sustav izrade "preslikanih" planerskih izvješća, pogodujući tek daljem urbanom širenju i nenadziranoj izgradnji. Na žalost, poradi dužega vremenskog društvenog ignoriranja i jake sveze lobija investitora, arhitekata i građevinara, različite međunarodne planerske ideje s "održivošću na umu" još ne utječu na hrvatsku teoriju i praksu planiranja. Neke su od njih jednostavno neprihvaćane, netočno tumačene ili odbacivane zahvaljujući krutoj zakonskoj regulativi, nepostojanju formalnog školovanja planera i povlaštenom položaju tek jednog tipa ovlaštenih planera tj. arhitekata . Osjetljivost za alternativna razvojna rješenja, sudjelovanje javnosti, novine u ponašanju, organizaciji i tehnologijama, raznovrsnost pomagala za provedbu u planerskoj "kutiji s alatima", kao i različite vrste planerskih poslova u usmjeravanju održivih promjena, tek treba prepoznati u zemlji koja je u procesu pristupanja EU. Unatoč tomu, ovaj rad teži sumirati održivost i njezine sastavnice kao nove postavke, u kojima je glavna misao vodilja novoga globalnog pristupa planiranju, objavljena od Centra za ljudska naselja Ujedinjenih Naroda (UNCHS) kako slijedi: "Novo planiranje je manje kodirano i tehničko, više inovativno i poduzetničko. Ono je više sudioničko i usmjerenije projektima nego cjelovitim prostornim sustavima. Plansku ekspertizu sve češće ne zahtijeva samo država već i dioničarski i javni dijelovi građanskog društva. Prijeporno nije planiranje samo po sebi, nego njegov cilj: da li ga voditi uglavnom učinkovitošću, jačajući postojeću razdiobu bogatstva i moći, ili bi trebalo odigrati distribucijsku ulogu da može pomoći pri stvaranju minimalnih standarda urbanog življenja" (Hague, 2001.). ; Effort to incorporate sustainability aspects into the spatial planning agenda requires new relationships between conventional and new players in today's post-socialist world. Some stakeholders engaged in development, management and governance are sometimes tailoring the destiny of regional and urban systems in Croatia without sustainability concerns. Their activities show the lack of awareness and negative attitude towards sustainable planning practices where the major goal is to improve the quality of life of current and future generations. Without sound ideas about carrying capacities and sustainability, some of these actors have ignored the planning knowledge and expertise (CAVRIĆ, NEDOVIĆ – BUDIĆ, 2007). Planners advise upon them with their professional skill and knowledge but the driving force is still political power. These proponents have managed to safeguard their own spatial and land interests on the expense of the public and ordinary citizens, by maintaining the system of "copy-paste" planning blue prints, suitable for supporting emerging urban sprawl and uncontrolled construction activities. Unfortunately, due to the long-term social ignorance and strong alliance of developer's lobbies, architects and constructors, various international planning ideas with "sustainability in mind" have not affected Croatian planning theory and practice, yet. Some of them are petrified, misinterpreted or simply abolished owing to obstinate legislation, the non-existence of formal planning education, and the privileged position of only one brand of chartered planners (e.g. architects) . Alternative development solutions, such as public participation, behavioral, organizational and technological advances, diversity of implementing instruments in the planner's "toolkit", and the planner's numerous tasks in guiding sustainable change, are still to be recognized in this EU accession country. Notwithstanding, this paper aims to summaries sustainability and its derivates as the new paradigms, in which the guiding leitmotif of the new global agenda for planning is spelled out by the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (2001b) as follows: "The new planning is less coded and technical, more innovative and entrepreneurial. It is more participatory and concerned with projects rather than whole spatial systems. Planning expertise is increasingly sought not only by the state, but also by the corporate sector and civil society. What is controversial is not planning per se, but its goal: whether it should be directed chiefly at efficiency, reinforcing the current distribution of wealth and power, or whether it should play a distributive role to help create minimum standards of urban liveability" (Hague, 2001).
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
Predmet istraživanja ovog rada su modernizacijski razvojni procesi u gradu Splitu i uloga ekoloških stavova i percepcija urbanog okoliša u tim procesima. Rad je utemeljen na kombiniranom pristupu proizašlom iz sociologije okoliša i modernizacijskih teorija. Osnovni je postulat suvremene ekološke sociologije, proizašao iz tradicije "nove ekološke paradigme", da se društvo i okoliš ispituju u interakciji, s povratnim vezama između obje razine. Istraživanje se djelomično temeljilo na ovom pristupu, s obzirom da mu je cilj ispitati na koji se način odnose sociokulturne determinante ekoloških stavova i kvaliteta urbanog okoliša. Ovako orijentirano istraživanje ne zadovoljava strogi Durkheimov postulat o tumačenju društvenih činjenica (isključivo) drugim društvenim činjenicama, ali je usklađen s proširenom istraživačkom paradigmom sociologije okoliša koja teži eksplikaciji međusobnih odnosa društvene i okolišne razine. Drugi dio konceptualnog utemeljenja rada odnosi se na teorijske pristupe koji ekološke orijentacije smještaju u širu sociokulturnu matricu društvenih odnosa. U ovoj su tradiciji posebno prominentna tri pristupa: teorija društva rizika, teorija refleksivne modernizacije i Inglehartova teorija modernizacije. Iz ovih su pristupa proizašle brojne studije o odnosu bogatstva, postmaterijalističkih vrijednosnih orijentacija i okolišnih stavova, koje su se odvijale ili na makro razini nacionalnih država ili na mikro razini individualnih stavova. U posljednjih desetak godina istraživanja proizašla iz ove tradicije bilježe veliki napredak zbog konceptualnih poboljšanja, uz koje slijede i važne metodološke inovacije. U skladu s odgovarajućim nacrtima, istraživanja se provode na individualnoj razini, ali se analiziraju i na individualnoj i na agregiranoj razini, što je urodilo sadržajno bogatijim zaključcima nego studije koje su se zadržale na (odvojenoj) mikro ili makro jedinici analize. U radu opisano istraživanje potaknuto je idejom da se istraživanja odnosa okoliša i stavova moraju baviti i entitetima koji se nalaze između ovih dviju razina. Kao odgovarajuća prostorna mezo-razina nametnuo se prostor opsega srednje velikog grada, a kao reprezentativni primjer ovakvog područja izabran je grad Split. Kvaliteta urbanog okoliša je identificirana kao čimbenik koji je od neposrednog značaja za svakodnevni život stanovnika Splita te se očekuje da će imati moderirajući utjecaj na ekološke stavove, uz prije spomenute sociokulturne čimbenike koji proizlaze iz teorija modernizacije. Cilj je istraživanja bio na odgovarajući način izmjeriti kvalitetu urbanog okoliša i potom utvrditi postoji li interakcija između ekoloških stavova, postmaterijalizma i kvalitete okoliša na individualnoj razini, razini gradske četvrti i razini grada Splita. Istraživanjem provedenim na uzorku građanki i građana Splita utvrđeno je da nema empirijske podrške za tezu o prevlasti sociokulturnih determinanti ekoloških stavova u razvijenim društvima. Raširenost ekoloških orijentacija može se bolje objasniti tezom o njihovom općem prihvaćanju među stanovnicima Splita, u skladu s hipotezom o globalizaciji brige za okoliš. Empirijski uočene varijacije u ekološkim stavovima su više povezane sa sociodemografskim karakteristikama i partikularnim elementima modernizacijskog procesa poput političkog sudjelovanja nego sa širokim konceptom postmaterijalizma. Vezu između ekoloških stavova i modernizacijskih tendencija u gradu Splitu moderira kvaliteta okoliša, čiji je utjecaj na navedenu povezanost analiziran na razini gradskih zona. Istraživanje je pokazalo da u različitim zonama grada postoje bitno različiti obrasci povezanosti percepcije okoliša i ekoloških stavova. U pojedinim je dijelovima grada ova povezanost negativna, a u nekim pozitivna, što implicira da se s razlikama u kvaliteti okoliša pojedinih dijelova grada fundamentalno mijenja i struktura ekoloških stavova. Znanstveni je doprinos provedenog istraživanja detaljni opis strukture ekoloških stavova te utvrđivanje obrazaca veza između ekoloških stavova i (post)modernizacijskih vrijednosti, sociodemografskih varijabli i dodatnih čimbenika poput političke participacije na razini grada Splita. Nalaz da u pojedinim dijelovima grada na ekološke stavove djeluju percepcije okoliša u različitim smjerovima i intenzitetima ne bi bilo moguće utvrditi korištenjem samo uobičajenih - mikro ili makro - analitičkih razina i bez ciljanog prikupljanja podataka na razini urbane cjeline. ; Subject of this thesis are the modernization processes in the city of Split, in the context of environmental attitudes and the perception of urban environment in those processes. The thesis is based on the hybrid approach stemming from the environmental sociology and the modernization theories. Furthermore, it is based on the basic assumption of the modern environmental sociology, that society and the environment should be researched interactively, taking into account the links among both levels. The research was partly based on such approach, as its goal was to describe the links between sociocultural determinants of the environmental attitudes and the urban environmental quality. Such research does not fulfill the strict Durkheim's proposal on the explanations of the social facts using (exclusively) other social facts. It is in line, however, with the extended research paradigm of the environmental sociology which aims to make explicit the interrelations between the social and the environmental aspects. The second part of the conceptualization deals with the theoretical approaches which place the ecological orientations into the wider matrix of the social relations. In this tradition, we find three especially prominent approaches: risk society theory, reflexive modernization theory and Ronald Inglehart's version of modernization theory. Many studies analyzing the interrelations between wealth, postmaterialist values and environmental attitudes were based upon these approaches; they were however based either on the macro level of nation states or the micro level of individuals. In the last ten years, conceptual and methodological advances have been made in the environmental attitudes research. In accordance with the appropriate research designs, data has been collected at the individual level, but they are analyzed simultaneously both on the individual and the aggregated level. This has led to the richer conclusions than have been possible in the studies which dealt with the data analyzed separately on the micro and the macro level. The research design described in the following thesis has been motivated by the need to study entities beyond micro and macro levels. Thus, meso level unit in the form of a middle-sized city of Split was chosen. Urban environmental quality was identified as an important factor in the day-to-day lives of the citizens of Split. It is expected that the environmental quality will have a moderating effect in the link between the sociocultural factors and environmental attitudes. Research goal was thus to measure appropriately urban environmental quality and then determine the extent of the interaction between the environmental attitudes, postmaterialism and environmental quality on the 3 levels: individual-, neighborhood- and city-level. Research results, based on the sample of citizens of Split, indicate that there is no empirical support for the hypothesis of sociocultural factors being the most important predictor of environmental attitudes in the developed societies. Variations in environmental orientations are better explained using the globalization hypothesis. In other words, those variations are more closely linked with sociodemographic variables and some particular modernization elements such as political participation, than with a broad postmaterialism concept. The association between the environmental attitudes and the modernization tendencies in Split is moderated by the environmental quality, which was analyzed at the city-zones level. Study results show that there are markedly different patterns of association among the environmental quality perception and the environmental attitudes. The association is negative in some parts of the city, while it is positive in others, implying that differences in environmental quality fundamentally change the structure of environmental attitudes. Scientific contribution of the study is twofold. First, the structure of environmental attitudes is described in detail. Second, the associations in the city of Split among the environmental attitudes, (post)modernization values, sociodemographic variables and additional factors like political participation are disentangled. The main finding - that the perception of environmental quality affects environmental attitudes differently in various city zones - could not be established using only traditional (micro and macro) levels of analysis and without data gathered at the level of the urban settlement.
U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.