Tensions, Political Settlement and Disarmament
In: Theories of Peace and Security, S. 149-159
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In: Theories of Peace and Security, S. 149-159
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Understanding and Deploying the Political Settlement Framework in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: The Northern Ireland Conflict, S. 236-259
In: The Scottish Independence Referendum, S. 197-222
In: Realms of the Silk Roads: Ancient and Modern, S. 160-179
In: The Politics of Memoir and the Northern Ireland Conflict, S. 114-132
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Hegemonic Political Regimes in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.
Following an overview of Indian & Pakistani nationalism, the formation of ethnic identities, efforts to mediate them, & their transformation toward explicit secessionism in Kashmir are explored. The legal & procedural conflict over the means by which power was transferred from Princely India to the newly formed India & Pakistan is detailed, along with the related issue of what the Kashmiris themselves wanted, shedding light on the context in which ethnic mobilization & secession occurred. The history of the Kashmir crisis is then traced, 1954-1996, illustrating its contingent nature & the immense difficulty of pursuing political settlements on transient ethnic identities. 29 References. J. Zendejas
Following an overview of Indian & Pakistani nationalism, the formation of ethnic identities, efforts to mediate them, & their transformation toward explicit secessionism in Kashmir are explored. The legal & procedural conflict over the means by which power was transferred from Princely India to the newly formed India & Pakistan is detailed, along with the related issue of what the Kashmiris themselves wanted, shedding light on the context in which ethnic mobilization & secession occurred. The history of the Kashmir crisis is then traced, 1954-1996, illustrating its contingent nature & the immense difficulty of pursuing political settlements on transient ethnic identities. 29 References. J. Zendejas
Uses a theoretical framework of social action as an embodied process to examine how changes in migration transformed the social & political structure of Kennett Square PA, the home of the nation's largest commercial mushroom industry. Information was obtained from participant-observations carried out between 1995-2002 at a local social service provider for Mexican migrants; 60 in-depth interviews with Mexican settlers & English-speaking residents; & three trips to the immigrant's home city in Mexico where 170 household surveys focused on migration & work histories were conducted. The primarily English-speaking residents of Kennett Square considered themselves socially progressive until Mexican families began putting down roots & purchasing homes. Protests against Mexican settlement caused a division within the Anglo community that ultimately led to the formation of a social movement called Bridging the Community. It is contended that the formation of the Bridging movement illustrates how the embodied experience of fear incites social action & reaffirms local identity. The impact of the movement on both Mexican settlers & long-term residents is discussed. Figures, References. J. Lindroth
In: International handbook of trade unions, S. 335-365
"Modern trade unions act in two arenas: the state and politics on the one hand, and the labour market and collective bargaining on the other. The relative importance of their economic and political activities differs between countries and world regions, as well as historically and between types of unions. So do the way and the extent to which union action in the two arenas is coordinated. The dominant kind of trade union as it emerged from the second postwar settlement after 1945 no longer claimed a right or reserved the option to overthrow the governmnt of the state through a political strike. In this they paid tribute to the superior legitimacy of free elections as compared to 'direct action' of the organized working class. Today more or less explicit constitutional law makes it illegal for unions - within the limits of usually complex legal rules - to strike in the context of disputes with employers and in pursuit of collective agreements on wages and working conditions." (excerpt)
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Industrial Policy and Development in Africa" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Räumliche Auswirkungen der internationalen Migration, S. 260-274
"Deutschland ist schon lange ein Einwanderungsland. Das Thema Integration ist nicht zeitgleich ein politisches Handlungsfeld geworden. Es ist vergleichsweise neu. Die Politik hat Versäumnisse erkannt: Zuwanderinnen und Zuwanderer sind nicht in gleichem Maße an Bildung, Arbeitsmarkt und gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe beteiligt wie Einheimische, sie werden zum Teil auch noch diskriminiert. Insgesamt sind Strategien für eine vielfältige, internationale Gesellschaft erforderlich. Für einen großen Teil der Zuwanderinnen und Zuwanderer ist die Integration über den Arbeitsmarkt gelungen. Es gibt aber in fast allen Städten und Gemeinden sozial segregierte Quartiere, in denen viele von Armut und Arbeitslosigkeit betroffene Menschen leben, darunter überproportional viele mit Migrationshintergrund. In diesem Lebensumfeld müssen Unterstützungsleistungen ansetzen. Städte und Gemeinden entwickeln integrierte Konzepte für die umfassende Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen und -chancen. Das Städtebauförderungsprogramm 'Soziale Stadt' gibt wichtige Impulse für abgestimmtes Handeln, um dieses komplexe Ziel zu erreichen." (Autorenreferat)
In: Materialien aus der soziologischen Forschung: Verhandlungen des 18. Deutschen Soziologentages vom 28. September bis 1. Oktober 1976 in Bielefeld, S. 41-58
This historical narrative traces the severing of the unbroken thread of Venezuelan democracy from the Betancourt administration of 1959 through Chavez's coup de grace of the dying Punto Fijo democracy & the disillusionment of the 1970s & 80s to contextualize the hard times described in the remainder of the volume. The eras are periodized as elite settlement & convergence from 1957 to 1959, the policy convergence of the political regime up to 1975, & the results of weaknesses & embedded vulnerabilities. The first phase is characterized as an era of power flowing to political party leaders, codification of points of agreements between elites that flowed into the second phase of convergence in which the Punto Fijo political regime was accepted as normal & legitimate up until 1975. The results of four critical weaknesses embedded in the post-1957-1959 democracy during convergence policy undermined the hard-won consensus, & shattered one of the oldest & most respected representative democracies in Latin America. Support among Venezuelan elites for the 1957-1959 settlements appeared broad and deep as of 1975. Prosperity & political stability legitimated limited pluralist roles of the political game in a country that had almost no experience of democracy, but the optimism was brief. Petroleum prices plummeted during 1982, & in 1983 the massive devaluation exploded the myth that there was enough wealth for all Venezuelans to enjoy the good life. Hard times marked the remainder of the decade. References. J. Harwell