Obstacles to a Political Settlement in Indochina
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 626
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: Pacific affairs: an international review of Asia and the Pacific, Band 58, Heft 4, S. 626
ISSN: 1715-3379
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 117, Heft 469, S. 636-655
ISSN: 0001-9909
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 117, Heft 469, S. 716-716
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 120, Heft 480, S. 509-509
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: Theories of Peace and Security, S. 149-159
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 116, Heft 464, S. 508-525
ISSN: 0001-9909
World Affairs Online
In: African affairs: the journal of the Royal African Society, Band 116, Heft 464, S. 508-525
ISSN: 1468-2621
In: Foreign policy bulletin: the documentary record of United States foreign policy, Band 1, S. 36-40
ISSN: 1052-7036
Statements before the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Foreign Relations Committee, US Senate, July 20, 1990.
In: Hagmann , T 2016 , Stabilization, Extraversion and Political Settlements in Somalia . Rift Valley Institute , London .
Past and present attempts to stabilize war-torn Somalia through military, diplomatic and humanitarian interventions highlight the entanglements and interplay between local and foreign elites in policies and practices that have frequently and effectively undermined statebuilding in south-central Somalia. Existing analyses have focused predominantly on local actors and internal dynamics to account for the continuous political disorder in the former Somali Democratic Republic since 1991. In contrast, this study highlights the role of external aid in dysfunctional statebuilding efforts in Somalia. Rather than assuming that foreign actors are outside the local and national political settlements, such actors should rather be seen as an integral part of these processes. Consequently, the power and interests of both Somali and international actors must be taken into consideration in order to understand the shortcomings of stabilization policies. Persistent tactics by Somali elites—mobilizing, appropriating and redirecting foreign resources and agendas—have been at the core of failed statebuilding. Such tactics form part of what French Africanist Jean-François Bayart has described as 'extraversion'. Because Somali elites have regularly turned their participation in transitional governments into a resource appropriation tactic, statebuilding has become an end in itself rather than the outcome of a more profound process of actual state formation that would have entailed the centralization of coercion, the generation of public revenue or the building up of popular support. ; Past and present attempts to stabilize war-torn Somalia through military, diplomatic and humanitarian interventions highlight the entanglements and interplay between local and foreign elites in policies and practices that have frequently and effectively undermined statebuilding in south-central Somalia. Existing analyses have focused predominantly on local actors and internal dynamics to account for the continuous political disorder in the former Somali Democratic Republic since 1991. In contrast, this study highlights the role of external aid in dysfunctional statebuilding efforts in Somalia. Rather than assuming that foreign actors are outside the local and national political settlements, such actors should rather be seen as an integral part of these processes. Consequently, the power and interests of both Somali and international actors must be taken into consideration in order to understand the shortcomings of stabilization policies. Persistent tactics by Somali elites—mobilizing, appropriating and redirecting foreign resources and agendas—have been at the core of failed statebuilding. Such tactics form part of what French Africanist Jean-François Bayart has described as 'extraversion'. Because Somali elites have regularly turned their participation in transitional governments into a resource appropriation tactic, statebuilding has become an end in itself rather than the outcome of a more profound process of actual state formation that would have entailed the centralization of coercion, the generation of public revenue or the building up of popular support.
BASE
In: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/umn.319510029799156
"August 1990"--P. [5]. ; Shipping list no.: 90-548-P. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: Journal of international development: the journal of the Development Studies Association, Band 29, Heft 5, S. 594-612
ISSN: 1099-1328
AbstractWhereas the political settlements research framework is garnering growing policy attention in development programming, including in fragile and conflict‐affected states, there are concerns that political settlements constitute yet another global policy development with which feminist and gender analysis must 'catch up'. The article outlines four broad challenges to advancing gender analysis through the political settlements framework. The first is conceptual, that the focus on elites, and the reliance on public sphere dynamics to explain development outcomes, structurally excludes women. The second is epistemological, that the role of the scholar in designating certain groups to be 'elites' and others to be 'non‐elites' merits further interrogation. The third is methodological, that because of other exclusions, gender is infrequently identified as a pertinent variable or category of analysis in seeking to explain development outcomes through the political settlements framework. The final is political, that the avowedly non‐normative position of political settlements analysis risks overlooking norms implicit to the work, in particular implicit gender norms. Nevertheless, the article argues, in the prevailing context of technocratic approaches to global gender policy‐making, the political settlements framework may offer promise through its avowed focus on 'doing politics'. Moreover, the political settlements framework may usefully counter the tendency of global gender policy to essentialise the state as a single domain of activity, and to instead utilise more fully the different constituencies within the state, and the relationships between them, in order to effect positive change. Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, Band 33, Heft 3, S. 193-210
ISSN: 1521-0731
In: ESID Working Paper No 37
SSRN
Working paper