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Nancy Shields Kollmann, The boyar clan and court politics: the founding of the Muscovite political system.
The organization of politics at the Muscovite court in the fourteenth century is shown to have been based on kinship relationships amongst boyars, the counsellors of the sovereign grand prince. The circumstances of Moscow's emergence as a regional power in the fourteenth century and particular aspects of the family history of the sovereign Danilovich family nurtured the development of a cohesive political elite of boyar clans. One can plot the emergence of boyar clans in the fourteenth century, and one can discern a hierarchy of power amongst them. Study of the thousandman post, which fell into disuetude by 1373, reveals that kinship links with the sovereign clan were the foundation of predominance in the hierarchy, and further suggests that court political crises can best be analyzed as struggles amongst factions of boyars.

Eric Weil was perhaps one of the last philosophers who have consciously built a system. His philosophy has distinguished itself through the positive and fully philosophical assertion of politics and the fervent need of understanding and explaining reality. Just like on a chessboard, Weil has introduced individuals and institutions and studied their relations. Of the state, he has conveyed a structural definition by appealing to the image of a form enabling to a given community conscious decision-making. By capturing how the State becomes, how it acquires a meaning, this article offers an insight on Eric Weil's political thought, which is the source of an original model of comprehension and understanding of the modern state. Weil's writings endorse here two main criteria: the ideal of the defence of individual liberties and the principle of a coherent discursive action of the thinker, who has to denounce any kind of violence, to educate and to prompt discussion. The analysis focuses on the book named La philosophie politique (Vrin, Paris, 1956), which shows, in its two first chapters, how the moral issue leads on to the political one and describes, in the last two chapters, how the structure of the political issues has made necessary for the statesman to reconcile with moral.

The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic ; La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l'étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l'expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l'antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l'idée que l'opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D'une part, l'offre politique qu'elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d'autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l'idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l'impuissance et l'inefficacité de l'opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l'opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l'opposition subit une sorte ...

Under identical names, political and social democracies hide two different realities. These democracies are based on a system of representation allowing citizens and workers to elect their representatives, within the assemblies or in the social and economic committee respectively.Social democracy is characterized by the presence of two kinds of representation, elected and trade union, which get their legitimacy and their sources from professional elections, which are distinct from political ones.These elections share some general principles of electoral law enshrined by the Court of Cassation, but they differ by the stakes that underlie them. Political elections put the elected citizen at the heart of the democratic debate; professional elections provide a predominant spacefor trade unions to participate in social dialogue within the company, at the expense of the realactors in collective bargaining. Both political and social democracies are based on the mechanism of decentralization. Therefore, decisions taken by representatives of citizens andworkers can be taken at sub-legislative levels.However, decentralization does not mean autonomy. The principle of free administration of local authorities and the principle of worker participation are limited by the legal framework –sometimes financial – imposed by the legislator. This deceptive decentralization is accompanied by the absence of a true normative power. ; Sous des appellations identiques, la démocratie politique et la démocratie sociale cachent deux réalités différentes.Ces démocraties sont fondées sur un système de représentation permettant aux citoyens et aux travailleurs d'élire leurs représentants, au sein des assemblées ou du comité social et économique respectivement. La démocratie sociale se singularise par la présence de deux modes de représentations, élue et syndicale qui puisent leurs légitimités et leurs sources dans les élections professionnelles, distinctes des élections politiques.Ces élections ont en commun quelques principes généraux du ...

Under identical names, political and social democracies hide two different realities. These democracies are based on a system of representation allowing citizens and workers to elect their representatives, within the assemblies or in the social and economic committee respectively.Social democracy is characterized by the presence of two kinds of representation, elected and trade union, which get their legitimacy and their sources from professional elections, which are distinct from political ones.These elections share some general principles of electoral law enshrined by the Court of Cassation, but they differ by the stakes that underlie them. Political elections put the elected citizen at the heart of the democratic debate; professional elections provide a predominant spacefor trade unions to participate in social dialogue within the company, at the expense of the realactors in collective bargaining. Both political and social democracies are based on the mechanism of decentralization. Therefore, decisions taken by representatives of citizens andworkers can be taken at sub-legislative levels.However, decentralization does not mean autonomy. The principle of free administration of local authorities and the principle of worker participation are limited by the legal framework –sometimes financial – imposed by the legislator. This deceptive decentralization is accompanied by the absence of a true normative power. ; Sous des appellations identiques, la démocratie politique et la démocratie sociale cachent deux réalités différentes.Ces démocraties sont fondées sur un système de représentation permettant aux citoyens et aux travailleurs d'élire leurs représentants, au sein des assemblées ou du comité social et économique respectivement. La démocratie sociale se singularise par la présence de deux modes de représentations, élue et syndicale qui puisent leurs légitimités et leurs sources dans les élections professionnelles, distinctes des élections politiques.Ces élections ont en commun quelques principes généraux du ...

The poor performance of the political system in Romania, still marked by disaffection and pervasive corruption, may be shaped by the lack of control from the citizens. Much more responsible towards its electoral basis, the Romanian political system would be more legitimate. The political performance and legitimacy would in turn make citizens more satisfied and eager to defend democratic values. The happy circle of civic control, responsivness, satisfaction and political performance may be started somehow. The research paper is an attempt to evaluate political culture in urban Romania as a source of political legitimacy and performance. We focus on the civic culture, this special association of knowledge and feelings about the political system that settle citizens to political communication, partisanship, social cooperation, political competence and, in the end, political action. By analysing survey data, we outline a meager civic culture in Romania, but also the hope for a future civic competence.

In 2009, while the United-States were suffering from the worst economic crisis in more thansixty-five years, Barack Obama entered the White House and began implementing the first measuresof his "Hope and change" agenda. Opposition to his actions quickly crystallized around the Tea Partymovement. This PhD thesis aims firstly to explain the sudden success of the Tea Party by pointing therole of four factors linked to the "political opportunity structure": access to the party system and policydecisions, the political alignments stability, the alliance structure, and finally the conflict structure.Those four elements can also help us understand the way the movement's ideology was shaped. Asecond part is devoted to analyzing the effects of the Tea Party on its political environment. We intendto show to what extend and in which ways the Tea Party was able to influence the American politicalsystem, in a context marked, since the seventies, by a growing political polarization. To do so, weproceed by resorting to the comparative study of the Tea Party, the Republican Party, and theDemocratic Party discourses. ; Début 2009, alors que les Etats-Unis étaient au coeur de la crise économique la plusimportante depuis plus de soixante-quinze ans, Barack Obama prenait place à la Maison-Blanche etmettait en place ses premières mesures sous le mot d'ordre « Hope and Change ». L'opposition à sonaction s'est alors rapidement cristallisée autour du mouvement Tea Party. Le premier objectif de cetravail de thèse consiste à expliquer le succès remporté par ce mouvement, en soulignant le rôle dequatre facteurs issue de la « structure des opportunités politiques » : l'ouverture du système partisanaux challengers, la stabilité des alignements politiques, l'existence de forces relais et, enfin, lastructure du conflit. Ces éléments constitutifs nous donnent aussi les clés nécessaires pour comprendrecomment et sous quelle forme s'est construite l'idéologie du mouvement. Dans un second temps, ilsera question d'analyser les effets du mouvement ...

The current evils of the scholars and researchers are the consequence of a dysfunctional communication system. The incompatibility between the spirit of the laws and its mode of application illustrate a worrying retreat of the democratic principles. The university is the mirror of the political system.