Suchergebnisse

The basic feature and specificity of Yugoslav pluralism are the institutional interest groups. These groups are the elements of the structure of the political system itself, and therefore directly included — institutionally and legislatively in the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. As the enterprise is given a special status in the constitutional political system of Yugoslavia in which it is legally recognized as a political category par excellence, the consideration is here primarily given to the enterprise. Analyzing the results of the interviews with the presidents of Communal Assemblies in Socialist Republic of Croatia and directors of some bigger enterprises in the same republic, the author investigates whether and to what extent the enterprise uses its power and influence in the political process — in what degree it is a policy making factor. The research results show considerable differences between the formal authority and factual power of the enterprises. Although all the enterprises have the same status constitutionally, the real differences are so great, that some enterprises make the policy of communes and even larger regions, and the influence of others is meager. The factor is the economic power. Besides the differences between the enterprises in power and influence, the research results give the evidence to the author's thesis that the enterprises significantly influence the process of political decision making. The actual possibility of the enterprise to act as an interest group is determined by many conditions — some of political and legislative, some of factual nature, primarily: a) by political and legal status in the total system, b) unstable normative structure which is subject to many influences and constant change, c) lack of the more stable criteria that would provide an evaluation of organizations and individuals according to their results, and last but not least; d) democratization of the system itself which is becoming more open to the expression of different interests and actions of interest groups. Finally, author examines some relevant theoretical and political aspects of the strike as a mean of the political pressure in the self-management system in Yugoslavia.

Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.

Kako primjereno politologijski istražiti, prikazati i vrednovati povijest i sadašnje stanje politologije u Hrvatskoj? Tekst se fokusira na pomno razmatranje predmeta znanosti o politici – što je politika? – kao pretpostavke znanstveno primjerenog odgovora na dvojbu o stručnoj profilaciji studija i polaznika studija-politologa. A u tom sklopu, na smisao određenja politologije kao "znanosti o općenitosti" i politologa kao "stručnjaka za općenitost". Objašnjava se smisao, teorijski i kontekstualni, tih određenja (Prpić, 1969), vrednuju njegove pretpostavke, domašaji i ograničenja. Dramatična, teorijska i praktična, dvojba s kojom nas je Prpić suočio neprevladiva je u povijesnom kontekstu demokratske države, s obzirom na svojstvenu joj epohalnu ambivalenciju. Pri čemu se pokazuje nesuvislost dileme između množine i jednine: politička znanost u singularu sluškinja je političke moći, a političke znanosti tek metaznanstvena humanistička kritika postojećeg svijeta, što znači da znanost o politici ne valja ni u singularu ni u pluralu. Kada je znanstvena i stručna, tada je opasna po političku slobodu, kada je pak humanistička i ne-stručna tada je nemoćna i suvišna. Politolog je pak ili "stručnjak za posebnost", etički i vrijednosno neutralni sluga političke moći, ili pak pretenciozni misionar. Izlaz iz začaranog kruga: znanost o politici, u plodnoj i nezamjenjivoj dvojini metodički osloniti na novo načelo konstitucije zajednice, koje je imanentna kritika i prevladavanje moderne demokratske države i građanskog društva. Time se osnažuje i shvaćanje političke znanosti kao "znanosti o općenitosti". Znanost o općenitosti kao znanost o političkome tvori se u autonomiji (ali i komplementarnosti) spram znanosti o "općosti" (filozofije, etike i prava) i spram znanosti o posebnosti (posebnih sektora političkoga i društvenog bitka). Općenito je zbiljsko samo u odnosu spram općega, kao oposebljenje općega, i u odnosu spram posebnoga, kao poopćavanje posebnoga. Čime se suzbija opasnost od prividne općenitosti, kao bahate pretenzije ...

Hrvatska i Slovačka imale su tijekom 1990-ih državnike s autoritarnim tendencijama vladanja. To je na različite načine bilo povezano i s institucijom predsjednika države te je 1999., odnosno 2000. ustavnim promjenama koje su se ticale i te institucije uspostavljen parlamentarni sustav s izravno izabranim predsjednikom. U ovom radu pokušava se utvrditi je li to utjecalo na funkcioniranje sustava vlasti i konsolidaciju demokracije. S obzirom na to da su promjene trebale spriječiti pojavu novih autoritarnih državnika, pretpostavka je da su one trebale pozitivno utjecati na demokratsku konsolidaciju. S druge strane, uvođenje parlamentarnoga sustava s izravno izabranim predsjednikom stvara opasnost da će ustavno slab predsjednik pozivom na svoju veliku legitimnost, dobivenu na izravnim izborima, nastojati zadobiti ovlasti koje mu ne pripadaju. Sustav će zbog toga imati obilježja defektne demokracije, a neće se pretvoriti u konsolidiranu liberalnu demokraciju. Usporedbom ustava i političke prakse pokušava se dobiti odgovor na to. ; In the 1990s, Croatia and Slovakia had statesmen with authoritarian tendencies. This was in many ways associated with the institution of the president and the 1999 and 2000 constitutional reforms, which were connected with this institution, established a parliamentary system with a directly elected president in those countries. This paper tries to determine if that affected the functioning of the system of government and the consolidation of democracy. Given that those changes were meant to prevent the emergence of new authoritarian statesmen, premise is that they should have had a positive impact on democratic consolidation. On the other hand, the introduction of a parliamentary system with a directly elected president created a risk that a constitutionally weak president, by calling on his great legitimacy acquired by direct vote, would strive to get powers that do not belong to him. The system would therefore receive the characteristics of a defective democracy and would not turn into a consolidated liberal democracy. By comparing constitutions and political practice we try to get an answer to this question.

Maurice Duverger popularizirati kao novi model političkog sustava. Različitost pojedinih definicija polupredsjedničke vlade i njihovi nedostatci naznačuju nepostojanje konsenzusa o temeljnim značajkama toga sustava što posljedično omogućuje da se politički sustavi promatraju ili kao parlamentarni ili kao polupredsjednički, ovisno o značajkama koje se koriste u pojedinim definicijama. Na temelju analize izvornih polupredsjedničkih modela (Weimarski ustav, Ustav francuske Pete Republike) u radu se nastoji ponuditi jednu sveobuhvatniju definiciju polupredsjedničke vlade kao sustava predsjedničke dominacije u političkom sustavu. U tom se smislu taj sustav definira kao sustav u kojem: 1. predsjednika države neposredno izabiru građani, odnosno posredno izborni kolegij u kojem ne prevladava predstavničko tijelo ili je ono isključeno iz njega; 2. njegov se mandat ne može okončati političkom odlukom predstavničkoga tijela; 3. je on stvarni šef izvršne vlasti, a obavlja je osobno i putem vlade koju predlaže parlamentu i 4. temelj njegova ključnoga položaja unutar izvršne vlasti određeni su ustavni prerogativi (raspuštanje parlamenta, imenovanje i razrješenje vlade) i/ili liderski položaj u stranci/stranačkoj koaliciji koja ima većinu zastupnika u parlamentu. ; The article elaborates the basic features of the system of semi-presidential government, which was popularized by Maurice Duverger as a "new model of the political system". The diversity of individual definitions of semi-presidential government and their shortcomings indicate a lack of consensus on the fundamental features of the system, which in turn allows individual political systems to be viewed as either parliamentary or semi-presidential, depending on the features used in individual definitions. Based on the analysis of the original semi-presidential models (Weimar Constitution, the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic), the paper seeks to elaborate a more comprehensive definition of semi-presidential government as a system of presidential domination in ...

U prikazu se donosi ideološka matrica u školskom sustavu Prekodravlja i to unutar četiri državna okvira, svojstvena svakom društveno-političkom uređenju. Ideološka matrica zrcali se iz zapisa kroničara osnovnih škola, naredaba, jezika, nazivlja, naslova, slavlja blagdana te iz duha zapisa presudnih događaja u životu zajednice i vladajuće kuće. Analizom zapisa mogla se uočiti ideološka nit koja se proteže kroz društveno-političke sustave u školstvu, različita duhovnog ozračja i svjetonazora u pripadajućim vremenima. Zapisi se mogu iščitavati na nekoliko razina, što se pokušalo osvijetliti u radu. ; This review sheds light on the ideological matrix in the school system studied in the Prekodravlje area in relation to the socio-political system within the state frameworks of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) and the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRJ). The ideological matrix is reflected in the records of elementary school chroniclers; the ordinances, language, celebration of public holidays, and the spirit of the records related to crucial events in the life of the community and/or the royal house. The record analysis showed an ideological thread running through socio-political systems in education, which differed according to the zeitgeist and worldview of the period to which they belonged. An attempt was made in the article to shed some light on the possibility of multiple-level interpretation of the records. The imposition and fostering of the governing system's ideological matrix in the educational system as the constituent element of society can be observed in all state frameworks. This is demonstrated by the uncritical celebration and extolment of rulers and leaders, as well as dates connected to their life and death. Not only the political system, but also the imposed ideological matrix is reflected in the celebration of national holidays. The latter can be best observed in the imposition of an external ideologized history, as well as foreign utterances and script (Cyrillic) not in the spirit of the Croatian language. The extirpation of the Christian worldview and the imposition of a materialistic one was the leitmotif of the socialist education system. The purpose of the imposed ideological matrixes in the Austro-Hungarian and Yugoslavian state frameworks was to maintain a multinational community, in which efforts were made to assimilate, transform and eradicate the being of the Croatian people.

U radu se razlažu temeljne značajke sustava polupredsjedničke vlade, kojeg će Maurice Duverger popularizirati kao 'novi model političkog sustava'. Različitost pojedinih definicija polupredsjedničke vlade i njihovi nedostaci naznačuju nepostojanje konsenzusa o temeljnim značajkama tog sustava, a to zapravo posljedično omogućuje da se pojedini politički sustavi promatraju ili kao parlamentarni ili kao polupredsjednički, ovisno o značajkama koje se koriste u pojedinim definicijama. Na temelju analize izvornih polupredsjedničkih modela (Weimarski ustav, Ustav francuske Pete Republike) u radu se nastoji elaborirati jednu sveobuhvatniju definiciju polupredsjedničke vlade kao sustava predsjedničke dominacije u političkom sustavu. U tom smislu taj sustav se definira kao sustav u kojem je 1. predsjednik države izabran neposredno od građana, odnosno posredno od izbornog kolegija u kojem ne dominira predstavničko tijelo ili je ono isključeno iz njega; 2. njegov mandat se ne može okončati političkom odlukom predstavničkog tijela; 3. on je stvarni šef izvršne vlasti, a obavlja je osobno i putem vlade koju predlaže parlamentu i 4. temelj njegova ključnog položaja unutar izvršne vlasti su određeni ustavni prerogativi (raspuštanje parlamenta, imenovanje i razrješenje vlade) i/ili liderski položaj u stranci/stranačkoj koaliciji koja ima većinu zastupnika u parlamentu. ; The article elaborates the basic features of the system of semi-presidential government, which was popularized by Maurice Duverger as a "new model of the political system". The diversity of individual definitions of semi-presidential government and their shortcomings indicate a lack of consensus on the fundamental features of the system, which in turn allows individual political systems to be viewed as either parliamentary or semi-presidential, depending on the features used in individual definitions. Based on the analysis of the original semi-presidential models (Weimar Constitution, the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic), the paper seeks to elaborate a ...

Predmet ovoga rada je proučavanje učestalosti samoubilačkog terorizma s obzirom na politička uređenja napadnutih država. Budući da su teroristički napadi uvijek udar na društvo i društveni poredak, područje nacionalne sigurnosti predstavlja svojevrsnu poveznicu između promatranih varijabli. Od početka 80-ih godina prošloga stoljeća kampanje samoubilačkih napada u stalnom su porastu, a vrhunac doživljavaju nakon 2001. godine. Napadi na Sjedinjene Američke Države 2001. označavaju i početak novog, globaliziranog načina djelovanja terorističkih organizacija. Mete samoubilačkih napada su države svih političkih sustava (autokracija, anokracija i demokracija), što znači da ne postoji obrazac djelovanja organizacija koje u svojim napadima koriste samoubilački terorizam, ali su anokratske države češća meta. Nadalje, rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su mete napada najčešće sigurnosne prirode te da su najviše napada izvele vjerske terorističke organizacije. Na kraju je prikazana kratka ilustracija zaključnih razmatranja na primjeru Iraka. ; The subject of this research paper is the connection between the occurrence of suicide attacks and the political system of the countries that are attacked. Since terror attacks represent an attack on the society and social order, national security represents a kind of connection between those two variables. Suicide attack campaigns are on the rise since the 1980s and they have reached their peak in 2001. That very well-known attack on the United States marks the beginning of a new kind of globalised activity of terrorist organizations. The results show that all countries, no matter their political system, are targets of suicide attacks, which means that there is no pattern in the activity of terrorist organizations that use suicide attacks. There is also a difference in the number of suicide attacks, where anocratic countries are attacked more often. Furthermore, the results show that the targets of most attacks, in all political systems, are security targets, and most of the attacks were carried out by religious terrorist organizations. Finally, we provide a brief illustration of the concluding remarks on the example of the Republic of Iraq.

Although the European Union is not a representative democracy, at least in some elements its political system is increasingly imitating the national liberal model of governance. So far, in the development of the European political system & in the draft EU Constitution the dual nature of the ED (federal & intergovernmental) seems to have remained in place. This is also shown in the persisting national elements in party-related institutions & processes within the EU political system that puts "its" liberal democratic characteristics in question. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Although the European Union is not a representative democracy, at least in some elements its political system is increasingly imitating the national liberal model of governance. So far, in the development of the European political system & in the draft EU Constitution the dual nature of the ED (federal & intergovernmental) seems to have remained in place. This is also shown in the persisting national elements in party-related institutions & processes within the EU political system that puts "its" liberal democratic characteristics in question. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Autor analizira sociostrukturna i političko-ideološka obilježja stranačkog sustava u Hrvatskoj na temelju rezultata ankete provedene pred parlamentarne izbore 1992. Iako se stranački sustav nije do kraja formirao i stabilizirao, autor pokazuje da je njegova temeljna struktura određena nizom rascjepa. Isprva dominantni povijesni rascjep između političkih orijentacija koje zagovaraju hrvatsku samostalnost i onih koje joj se protive biva nadopunjen suvremenim polarizacijama poput liberalizma nasuprot konzervativizmu, demokratičnosti nasuprot autoritarnosti, kozmopolitizma nasuprot etnocentrizmu, religioznosti nasuprot sekularnosti. Ti rascjepi dihotomno strukturiraju hrvatski stranački sustav na tradicionalistički desni pol te modernistički centar i ljevicu. Autor također opisuje glavne dinamičke tendencije u stranačkom sustavu Hrvatske. ; The author analyses socio-structural as well as political and ideological characteristics of the party system in Croatia, on the basis of the results of a survey conducted short time before the 1992 parliamentary elections. Although the party system has not been completely shaped and stabilized, the author shows that its basic structure is determined by a number of cleavages. The initially dominant historical cleavage between political orientations advocating Croatian independence and those opposing it has been supplemented by contemporary polarization, such as liberalism versus conservatism, democratism versus authoritarianism, cosmopolitism versus ethnocentrism, religious versus secular orientation. These cleavages determine a dichotomous structure of the Croatian party system with a traditionalist right-wing pole and a modernist center and left-wing pole. The author also describes main dynamic tendencies in the party system of Croatia.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Although it is not the primary reason for Russian economic collapse in Aug 1998, the permanent crisis of the Russian political system after 1991 had contributed to this breakdown. A major role in all this was played by the process of privatization by which Russian natural & economic resources remained in the hands of the political/economic elite. The crisis of the political system in Russia has another consequence -- bringing into question not only the attained degree of democratic development but also the future of democracy in Russia. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

The Dubrovnik Republic existed as an autonomous political community, in complex geopolitical conditions, for no less than 450 years (1358-1808). Throughout this period the political system was neither changed nor was it seriously endangered from within. This makes the Dubrovnik Republic a unique phenomenon. The text puts forward a concise analysis of the historical-political circumstances, of the Republic's political & legal system, & of its republican ideology. Furthermore, three important theorists of the Dubrovnik republican ideology are contextualized, namely Nikola Gucetic, Tomo Basiljevic & Ivo Nadali. A closer look is provided into Gucetic's theoretical views on Dubrovnik republicanism. Adapted from the source document.