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The paper aims to clarify the sense of contemporary fascism, particularly from the example of the Brazilian Bonsolarism, defining it as an anti-systemic, anti-institucional, anti-juridical and infralegal perspective with a personalist, devoted, voluntarist, spontaneous and militant character which starts from inside judiciary and in terms of subversion of the relation among law, politics and moral, and that, by means of politicization and partisanship of law, branches to the political system, serving as instrument to the fratricide political war among parties, from there linking to civil society in the form of constitution of a digital-social mass-militia of acclamation oriented to an anti-systemic posture. In this dynamic, the fascism has two constitutive and streamlining cores: on one side, it subverts the correlation of human rights and law, delegitimizing and truly destroying the ontogenetic primacy, the separation, the differentiation, the self-referentiality and the overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of them regarding law; on other, it leads to the deconstruction from inside to judiciary and political system of the highly institutionalist, legalist, technical, formal and depersonalized perspective which is proper to them, eliminating the centrality of the judiciary and, them, delegitimizing its regulator role regarding to political system and to the social dialectics, normalizing the totalizing regression caused by political-moral colonization of the democratic law. By reconstructing the pluralist and universalist democracy's meta-normative and generative basis as a public system of law, that is, the co-originality of universality of human rights, pluralism and law, the condition of ontogenetic primacy, independence, self-subsistence and overposition of law in relation to politics and moral, as the subsidiarity of these regarding to law, we will point to the renewal of this systemic, systematic, procedural, mediated, instancial, progressive and publicized perspective of the public system of law, in the interrelation, separation and overposition of judiciary and political system, demarcated by a strong ideal of methodological-procedural-axiological institutionality, legality, technicality, formality and depersonalization, which eradicates the politicization and partisanship of law and, by devolving the complete integrality to law-judiciary, confines the democracy's political system and civil society to their true limits which are its structural basis: the human rights, the legal process and the public system of law, with the necessity of full translation of politics and moral to law, delimitating the pluralist and universalist democracy as a public system of law oriented to the production of universality in/as/by legality.

O PRESENTE artigo relata os resultados de um exercício de cenários políticos realizado pelo Instituto de Estudos Avançados (IEA-USP) no quadro de um projeto mais amplo patrocinado pelo Executivo federal. Os autores traçam inicialmente um cenário positivo, caracterizado por estabilidade política, aperfeiçoamento do sistema de partidos e do Legislativo, e melhores políticas sociais. Passam, em seguida, a dois cenários negativos, nos quais aqueles objetivos dificilmente serão atingidos. Dado que a ocorrência do cenário positivo provavelmente exigirá reformas políticas substanciais, os autores analisam algumas das propostas debatidas ao longo das últimas duas décadas, notadamente as que objetivam fortalecer o sistema partidário, melhorar as relações Executivo versus Legislativo e tornar o sistema como um todo mais representativo (accountable). ; THIS article reports the results of a political scenario-building exercise carried out by the Institute of Advanced Studies within the framework of a larger project sponsored by the federal government. The authors first draw a positive scenario, characterized by political stability, improvement of the party system and of the legislative machinery, and better social policies. Next they turn to two negative scenarios, under which the above-mentioned goals seem unlikely to be reached. The positive scenario is unlikely to come about without substantial political reforms. An effort is therefore made to analyze reform proposals debated in the country over the last two decades, with special reference to those aiming to strengthen the party system, improve Executive versus Legislative relations and increase accountability in the political system as a whole.

In this paper, we will investigate the political meaning of history in Kant's and Hegel's Philosophy of History. Both of them, each in its own way, the substantiation of a given political system - centered in the structuration of the Constitutional State - the fulfillment of human's history supreme finality. We will analyze, to this end, the works 'Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose', written in 1784, five years before the French Revolution and 'Reason in History - a general introduction to Philosophy of History', organized from the lectures given by Hegel in his maturity. In the final considerations, we'll try to problematize the notions of "sense" and "finality" of History.

ABSTRACT Introduction: The article presents a historical analysis of the participation of women in Portuguese politics and reveals the positive effects of the introduction of the parity law in 2006. In the 2015 national elections, for the first time one third of the elected the Members of the Portuguese Parliament were women. However, in municipalities there is still a long way to go to reach this level of female political representation. Does the political system limit women's access only to elected positions? Thus, important questions remain: why are women still a minority in local politics? What obstacles do they encounter? And what can be done to improve the situation? Materials and Methods: For this investigation, data were collected on the electronic pages of municipalities and political parties, as well as in the press, to monitor the evolution of the presence of women in Portuguese local government, initially as members of the administrative commissions appointed to manage municipal councils from 1974 to the first elections that took place on December 12, 1976 and then as elected representatives from 1976 to the latest 2017 local elections, comparing this level with central government. Results: The study of this group reveals higher educational levels and more specialized jobs among women than among men, particularly in teaching and management. There is also discussion of partisan membership and it is revealed that left-wing parties invest more in women for local government than do right-wing parties. Discussion: Although four decades have passed since the democratic regime was established, the representation of women in politics is still incipient. We present some examples of policy actions that can encourage the presence of women in local government and increase their role as active citizens.

This article analyses a series of legal and illegal state policies and ruling-party strategies, of a repressive nature or involving political perse-cution, which were implemented by Peronist governments between 1973 and 1976, in the period prior to the military dictatorship that imposed State terrorism in Argentina. The observation of these practices is combined with the study of the discourses of diverse members of the political system from the period.The study reveals the gradual establishment of a discourse about "national security", that is to say, based on the idea of a subversive enemy of a domestic nature and alien to the "national spirit". The Argentinian case study shows that this type of discourse, which is generally associated with the military regimes of the Southern Cone, also existed and was put into practice in constitutional regimes. ; In the 60s and 70s in Brazil, the Armed Forces were involved in the political repression under the inspiration of the National Security doctrine and the French military thought about Revolutionary War. According to these theories, this new kind of war, which combined military operations and political propaganda, required a strong intervention of the armed forces and the police, as well as the full knowledge of the techniques and tactics of the enemy, which was done by means of a strict information control. Much of this information was obtained through interrogation under torture of political prisoners. This article is about the themes of these interrogations, and the likely use of the collected information. Broadly, they were used in three fronts: Finding the enemy, knowing the structure and procedures of their organizations, and evaluating the militants' degree of involvement in political activities.

The purpose of this article is to reinforce the alert that the German philosopher Hans Jonas makes in his work Principle responsibility for the imminent possibility of a tragic end of history for humanity if the unpredictable effects arising from the form of action of the liberal political-economic system and the inconsequential advance of the technology that follows are considered. In this intention, we chose as a strategy, to weaken and oppose the Hegelian idea, opposed to Jonah's view, that there would be no cause for alarm because history, in its development, is guided by an immanent and well-intentioned reason that inevitably leads humanity towards the realm of freedom and the absolute spirit. More recently, the American philosopher, economist and political scientist Francis Fukuyama, seeking support in Hegelian thought decreed that history had come to an end with the culmination of the sociocultural evolution of humanity. In this context, we initially seek to present an interpretative analysis of the ideas of Hegel and Fukuyama, and then to make a critique of this way of thinking, in the light of Hans Jonas' arguments. Finally, it is concluded, through the Jonasian lens, that the story, in addition to not having reached its end, as Fukuyama stated, may also have a quite different ending from that imagined by Hegel. Therefore, one should not disregard the occurrence of the hypothesis of an essential death followed by a physical death of the human race, well before the Hegelian project of freedom has a chance to take place. In doubt, it is better for man to be wary of the existence and(or) of the intention and(or) of the capacity of an imminent reason and to retake in time the reins of his own destiny, through the adoption of a new ethical principle: that of responsibility.

This paper analyzes the proposals under discussion in the Brazilian Congress concerning the direct elections for Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur), originally planned to be held on 2014. The proposed rules are investigated in order to find out which changes may impact the profile of the new representation to be elected and the consequences by either strengthening or weakening the institutional role of Brazilian representation in Parlasur. Pending electoral legislation for Parlasur may represent the most important experiment in political reform in the country in recent years - changing the open list of candidates to the closed list (with strict party nomination), prohibiting party coalitions, establishing exclusive public financing of campaigns, besides rules targeting gender equality. Notwithstanding, if members of congress do not strengthen reform to provide a more robust institutional framework, Brazilian representation in Parlasur will be weakened rather than strengthened.

Education has been depicted as the main 'social elevator' to confront the internal inequalities of modern abyssal societies. Roma, as the largest, ancient European minority, are perpetually targeted as a 'sensitive' population in regard to access to and success in basic and higher education, creating a framework where Roma themselves, from an early age, are considered a 'problem'. Academia, scientific research and knowledge production are not isolated from these practices and political/epistemological framework. In this sense, the article unravels its complicity and responsibility in the maintenance of the white order, the modern civilisatory mission toward the racialised bodies and the 'ideology of integration' as the only possible political path. This paper discusses the current academic production of evidence-based research in the field of education in regards to Roma, exploring the semantics and conceptual constructions that frame the discussion related to the Roma experience in the educative system. Furthermore, the article discusses how the conceptual codification of such a framework actually serves to condition intellectual and political approaches that attempt to go beyond the complicit 'ideology of integration' when addressing public and educative policies.

This paper assesses empirically the way in which two Latin American upper chambers - the Argentine and Brazilian senates - made use of their confirmation prerogatives between 1989 and 2003: whether taking on a deferential posture towards executive proposals or a more active role, including both consultation and oversight. The article first analyses all nominations regarding outcome (confirmed, rejected, and withdrawn) and length of process. Then, the similarities and differences are used to advance some explanatory hypotheses. Special attention is paid to the impact of political factors, especially senates internal rules for the organization of the legislative work.

This review focuses only on specific studies into the SUS regionalization process, which were based on empirical results and published since 2006, when the SUS was already under the aegis of the Pact for Health framework. It was found that the regionalization process is now underway in all spheres of government, subject to a set of challenges common to the different realities of the country. These include, primarily, that committee-structured entities are valued as spaces for innovation, yet also strive to overcome the bureaucratic and clientelist political culture. Regional governance is further hampered by the fragmentation of the system and, in particular, by the historical deficiency in planning, from the local level to the strategic policies for technology incorporation. The analyses enabled the identification of a culture of broad privilege for political negotiation, to the detriment of planning, as one of the main factors responsible for a vicious circle that sustains technical deficiency in management. ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Escola Paulista Med, Dept Med Prevent, R Botucatu 740-4, BR-04023062 Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Univ Sao Paulo, Fac Med, Dept Med Prevent, Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Escola Nacl Saude Publica, Rio De Janeiro, RJ, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Escola Paulista Med, Dept Med Prevent, R Botucatu 740-4, BR-04023062 Sao Paulo, SP, Brazil ; Web of Science

Esta resenha apresenta as ideias de José Murilo de Carvalho sobre o processo de consolidação da cidadania brasileira. Para tanto o autor apresenta em perspectiva histórica, o desenvolvimento da participação popular em vários momentos de mudança política, econômica e social.

The work 'De revolutionibus orbium coelestium' (1543) installed the foundation stone of a mentality that conceived a new rationality model. The heliocentric hypothesis devised by Nicolas Copernicus has entered the contemporary narrative as one of the battles fought against medieval cosmology, which translates into a confrontation with the socio-political hegemony that the Catholic Church projected on the most decisive questions of humanity. Nevertheless, cosmology, seen through a hermeneutic gaze proposed by Ernst Cassirer, allows us to suspend the ascending condition of history in order to direct our attention to the neoplatonic, Pythagorean and Gnostic filiation of certain qualities that finally played in favour of the acceptance of the new image of the world. These doctrines were key in the articulation of that new cosmology, and nevertheless, our modernity has not known how to recognize its contributions to what could be a history of ideas. For these reasons we will relate the work with some cosmological precepts in the epistemological context of the Renaissance, which will shed light on certain unknown areas of the work, and also, why not, on certain unknown areas of the spirit of our modernity.

O principal objetivo do presente estudo é explicar a dinâmica política e social do processo de mudança na contabilidade gerencial em uma companhia de distribuição elétrica brasileira privatizada, articulando e estudando as interconexões entre os ambientes inter e intra-organizacionais (nível político e econômico; nível do campo organizacional e nível intra-organizacional). Este trabalho adota o estudo de caso interpretativo como método de pesquisa para analisar as mudanças na contabilidade gerencial que aconteceram na companhia estudada durante um período de 8 anos, isto é, entre 2000 (o ano de privatização) até 2007. Este artigo defende que, para compreender essas mudanças na contabilidade gerencial, é importante discutir e entender a dinâmica social e política do ambiente inter e intra-organizacional, já que as práticas e os critérios no nível do campo organizacional, em combinação com a lógica intra-organizacional, formaram o sistema de contabilidade gerencial da companhia. Para explicar as mudanças na organização sob análise, este trabalho fundamentou-se nos construtos propostos por Dillard, Rigsby et al. (2004) para articular e compreender os três níveis do sistema social e político. Esses construtos são baseados nos eixos de tensão de Weber e na teoria de estruturação de Giddens. A análise deste caso indica que aconteceram profundas mudanças nos sistemas gerenciais da companhia após o processo de privatização, particularmente no sistema orçamentário, no sistema de medida de desempenho e na forma de uso da informação contábil gerencial pelos administradores. ; The main objective of this study is to explain the political and social dynamics of the process of management accounting change in a privatized Brazilian electricity distribution company by articulating and studying the interconnections between the inter- and intra-organizational environments (i.e., the political and economic level, organizational-field level and intra-organizational level). This study adopts an interpretive case study as its research method to analyze the changes in management accounting that occurred in the case company within a period of 8 years, from 2000 (the privatization year) to 2007. This paper argues that to understand these changes in management accounting, it is important to consider and discuss the social and political dynamics of inter- and intra-organizational environments, because the practices and criteria at the economic and political level, as well as the practices and criteria at the organizational-field level in conjunction with the intra-organizational rationale, shape a company's management accounting system. To explain the changes in the case organization, this work draws upon the constructs proposed by Dillard, Rigsby et al. (2004) to articulate and understand the three levels of the social and political system. These constructs are based on Weber's axes of tension and Giddens' structuration theory. The analysis of this case indicates that there were profound changes in the case company's management systems after the process of privatization, particularly with regards to the budgetary system, the performance measurement system and the ways in which managers use management accounting information.

The aim of this article is to analyze the current characteristics and dynamics of the Italian political system, focussing on the main patterns of continuity and change that emerged after the 2013 legislative elections. The disintegration of the centre-right coalition, the emergence of new political forces, as well as the rise of new leaders have profoundly reshaped the Italian party system. On the other hand, the economic crisis has reinforced negative attitudes towards democratic institutions and the main political actors. These phenomena have led to an extremely fluid political system and an uncertain future, which has been aggravated by a never-ending debate on institutional reforms. Adapted from the source document.

Decentralization of Brazil's Unified National Health System (SUS) still poses challenges in large cities. To characterize decentralization as an essentially political process, institutional policy variables, including local management capacity, are determinant for shaping decentralization in each context. Using the government triangle reference to evaluate management capacity, a case study was conducted with the objective of analyzing the system's decentralization in the city of Sao Paulo, Brazil's largest metropolis. An analysis of selected health system managers and administrative documents identified a trend towards focusing health management at the municipal level in 2005-2008, accompanied by dismantling of local/regional structures in the Municipal Health Secretariat, resulting in technical and policy depletion at these levels. Despite the limits of decentralization, the article emphasizes its power as an operational strategy to achieve the SUS' objectives. The article also stresses the need to resume the health decentralization process in the city of Sao Paulo, both moving towards local/regional levels and linked to the decentralization of municipal public management. ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Dept Prevent Med, Escola Paulista Med, BR-04023900 Sao Paulo, Brazil ; Univ Sao Paulo, Fac Saude Publ, Sao Paulo, Brazil ; Univ Fed Sao Paulo, Dept Prevent Med, Escola Paulista Med, BR-04023900 Sao Paulo, Brazil ; Web of Science