Suchergebnisse

This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.

This article aims to test competing explanations about the US foreign aid policy, namely interest-driven theory, humanitarian theory, and domestic political theory. Using longitudinal data on the amount of Official Development Assistance provided by the US to 155 recipient countries from 1960 to 2008, analyzed using random coefficient models, the research found that humanitarian and domestic political theories can account for the US foreign aid policy to the recipient countries for almost five decades better than the interest-driven theory. Generally, the US were more likely to send aid to poorer countries and/or countries where the US-based NGOs were actively involved. The econometric models also show that there are some cross-sectional and temporal variations in the aid. On average, countries receiving high amount of aid in the 1960s tend to have lower annual growth rate in the money they received from the US.

Elections as a form of community participation must be carried out following the procedures set out in the law. One of them is in the Regional Head Election. The impact of the Covid-19 pandemic stated that the election could not be held considering that the virus outbreak was increasing every year. The assumption that the Regional Head Elections in 2022 and 2023 have been postponed has given special attention to all the pros and cons elements. The impact of the postponement of the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections will happen to the KPU as the election organizer, and the complexity of the problems in the 2019 Election will repeat itself. The purpose of this study is to find the cause of the government abolishing the 2022 and 2023 Regional Head Elections in real terms by looking at the context that occurred in the simultaneous elections in 2019. This study uses qualitative descriptive methods and data collected using relevant journals, news, and also web. The theory used is an empirical political theory because it explains the predictions that will occur if the Regional Head Election is still held in 2024 by looking at the causes and effects. The analysis used is SOAR with research results in legitimacy and political parties. In legitimacy, there are regulations in the form of laws, while political parties are related to the strategies taken to win the Regional Head Election.

One of language functions in political discourse is to persuade others, and one of the media to implement the function is slogan used on political campaign banner. This research aims to explore the use of appraisal system, especially attitude, and its source of appraisal in the slogans on political campaign banners of regent and mayor prospective candidates in Bogor Residence and Bogor City. Researches on slogans on political campaign banner have been widely counducted, while the researches which apply the appraisal theory are still not easy to find. In fact it can help text consumers clearly see the attitude and the evaluation of the text producers on subjects they communicate. The data were analyzed by using appraisal system theory proposed by Martin and White (2005). The data were obtained by observing and were analyzed by using referential matching (padan referensial) method. The results show that judgment is the most-frequently-used subcategory in the slogans. It reflects that the political campaign banner creators give more emphasis on appraisal of human behaviour, whether of themselves or of others (society). Regarding the subjects and the objects, the appraisals were most predominantly made by and givento the regent and the mayor prospective candidates themselves as the slogan makers. The finding shows that the regent and the mayor prospective candidates often subjectively claim their quality without considering others' opinion in their political advertisement.AbstrakSalah satu fungsi bahasa dalam wacana politik adalah untuk memengaruhi orang lain. Fungsi tersebut diwujudkan salah satunya dalam bentuk slogan kampanye politik pada kain rentang. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penggunaan sistem appraisal, khususnya subsistem attitude, dan sumber penilaian dalam slogan pada kain rentang kampanye politik bakal calon kepala daerah di Kabupaten dan Kota Bogor. Data-data dalam penelitian ini dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori sistem appraisal yang dikemukakan oleh Martin & White (2005). Data-data tersebut diperoleh melalui metode simak dan dianalisis dengan metode padan referensial. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa judgment merupakan subkategori attitude yang paling banyak digunakan dalam slogan. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa para pembuat iklan lebih menekankan penilaian terhadap perilaku manusia, baik terhadap dirinya sendiri maupun orang lain (masyarakat). Sementara itu subjek dan objek penilaian yang paling dominan adalah bakal calon kepala daerah sendiri selaku pembuat slogan. Temuan ini menunjukkan bahwa para bakal calon kepala daerah kerap membuat klaim-klaim sepihak mengenai kualitas dirinya, tanpa mengutip atau menampilkan pendapat dari pihak lain.

Perempuan dalam konflik / Adinda Tenriangke Muchtar -- Perdamaian dari sudut pandang feminis / A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Perkosaan perempuan dalam konflik / Fitri Bintang Timur -- Migrasi internasional dan ketidaksetaraan global / Pande K. Trimayuni -- Peningkatan arus migrasi TKW-PRT ke PEA / Mita Yesyca -- Perkawinan dalam kajian ekopolin ilmu hubungan internasional / Andy Yentriyani -- Hak perempuan adalah hak asasi manusia, perjuangan di benua Afrika / Witania Larasati dan A.A. Sg. Dwinta Kuntaladara -- Konvensi perempuan, sebuah peluang menggugat ketidakadilan berbasis gender di Iran / Septi Shilawati.

This study aims to explain the political party authority in withdrawing support for the regional head candidate in elections, as well as providing an understanding of sanctions that targeted political parties who withdrawn or revoked their political stance by applicable regulations. This study using a legal perspective on the authority of political parties in withdrawing support and Authority Theory, Democracy Theory, Rule of Law Theory, Decision Making Theory, and Sanction Theory as supported theories. The formulation of all arguments, facts, and theoretical frameworks in this study uses empirical normative legal research methods. Data obtained and collected through books, journals, theses, and recent dissertations, interviews, and articles related to the problem. The research method in this study combines elements of normative and empirical law and data. This research is qualitative research used in library observation. This research concludes that the authority of political parties regarding the withdrawal of support for a prospective regional head candidate pair explained in three stages or processes, including the first stage is before registering candidates to the KPU, the second stage is the stage after registering with KPU, and last is the stage after the determination of a prospective pair of candidates by the KPU. Among the existing stages, there is a full space for political parties to participate and room for the KPU to organize regional head elections. So concerning the withdrawal of support, political parties are not allowed arbitrarily to withdraw or vice versa regarding their support for prospective pairs of candidates. Referring to the applicable regulations, the forms of sanctions that can be given to political parties that withdraw or revoke a candidate pair are criminal sanctions and administrative sanctions. Where administrative sanctions are considered to be less firm against political parties, in contrast to criminal sanctions (ultimum remedium) or as a last resort that is much firmer but ...

AbstractPolitical life concerns all those varieties of activity that influence significantly the kind of authoritative policy adapted for society and the way it is put into practice. We are said to the participating in political life when our activity relates in some way to the making and execution of policy for a society.Political decision making is one of the most important research domains in political psychology and rational choice theory is the most commonly use theoretical frame work to explain decision making processes.Basic assumptions (normative) rational choice theory are that individuals and choose action that are optimally related to their beliefs and values. Moreover, political decision making in particular voting is only weakly related to actual self interest.Democracy a system of government by the whole population or all the eligible members of a state, typically through elected representative, control of an organization or group by the majority of its members. If politic is perceived as consisting of those collectivized decisions. Naturally, while all the decisions of political nature are collectivized decisions are political.While a social demoracy and the reason that makes it entirely different from a socialist democracry from a policy enforced by a socialist state upon a society. Social democracy descend from the top down. While socialist democracy is above all away of governing.

This article aims to understand and identify that Cirebon Province has not yet been formed, even though there has already been a discourse on the formation of Cirebon Province, marked by the establishment of the Cirebon Province Expansion Committee (P4C) since 2009. In order to approach this problem, the theory of political elite from Geatano Mosca is used, the theory explains that elite action is a form of the will of the community, so that it is understood that there is a link between community views and actions taken by political elites. Data is collected through the observation of the actions of political elites in the regions of Cirebon Regency, Cirebon City, Indramayu Regency, Kuningan Regency and Majalengka Regency, and conducting interviews with the community in the Cirebon Regency, Cirebon City, Indramayu Regency, Kuningan Regency and Majalengka Regency. Data analysis was carried out qualitatively using data reduction, data presentation and drawing conclusions. This study concludes that until 2019 the local political elite of Kab. Majalengka and Kab, Kuningan still did not agree to join the Cirebon Province, while the political elite of Kab. Cirebon, Cirebon City and Regency, Indramayu agreed to form the province of Cirebon, the decision of the political elite turned out to be in accordance with the perception of the people who refused or supported joining to form the Cirebon Province.

Abstract This study base on the efforts of the Golkar Party's to the process of interpretation, socialization, and implementation of the new paradigm, the paradigm guide to reformations Golkar Party's become to democratic, independent, solid, strong, foundamental, and responsive. How Golkar party's political communication about socialization and implementation of a new paradigm of Golkar Party's leadership Aburizal Bakrie-year period from 2009 to 2012. The aim of this research is to study and overview of the process of socialization and implementation new paradigm Golkar Party's of the Aburizal Bakrie's leadership. This contect described to using constructivist paradigm through the theory of Performance of Communication and Structuration. Research using the case study method. Data obtained by participation observer, unstructured interviews, and documentary study. The data also collected from informants. The results of this research show: 1) The Golkar Party's has a very significant infrastructure, so the making easier to socialization new paradigm to internal party, but Golkar Party's can not erase stigma society as the New Order party. Socializing new paradigm Golkar Party's to be done in integrated, systematic and continuous addressed to all cadres of various levels from the center to the village. 2) the new paradigm Golkar Party's ideals as the basis and foundation values stand for the Golkar Party's, the implementation is faced with the reality of the condition of the various political considerations and the interests of power, so it can not shown the Golkar Party's political communication with the direction of the reality, Golkar Party's must be have to political communication with the role of multi faces. Keywords: politic communication, Golkar Party's, Aburizal Bakrie.

This paper aims to discuss the extent to which the influence of the military in the political system in Myanmar related to cases of prosecution of ethnic Rohingya in 2017. Myanmar's government through the military is considered to use violence and discrimination against Rohingya ethnic groups resulting in thousands of casualties and the ethnic Rohingya fled to neighboring countries. This research was conducted to assess the role of the military in the Myanmar government system because under the 2008 Constitution, the military had a seat of 25 percent in the Myanmar parliament and had a number of authorities in the political system. This can be considered as a trigger for the military's aggressiveness towards Rohingya because of military representatives who have existence in the Myanmar parliament. The author uses concordance theory and the concept of new professionalism of internal security and national development in analyzing related phenomena. The results of this study indicate the existence of military influence in the Myanmar government because under the constitution, the military controls three strategic departments, namely Defense, Internal Affairs and Border. The military also holds full control of the armed forces, police and security forces, thus demonstrating the military role in Myanmar's policies regarding prosecution of the ethnic minority Rohingya.

In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance. ; In the middle of district head's euphoria to float and move forward province of Bangka Belitung's island by brought in the palm oil investors conduce the new conflict of society, i.e agrarian conflicts. The presence of palm oil investors in the middle that in the beginning has been designed to give a profit for society, especially the societies around the oil palm plantation, but precisely harm the soci- ety a lot. For local society, indigenous forest is symbol of nature conservation and the place of animal Seizure and claims over land often happens between the palm oil investors with local society. One of them is the conflict between Air Abik society with PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari. The main factor of this conflict is there a logging, indigenous forest clearance, destruction of 11 ancestral graves belong to society conducted by PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari in their efforts to oil palm expansions. This thing then triggered public protest action. survival. Whereas, ancestral grave is symbol of local wisdom and cultural heritage that must be preserved and maintained. Besides, if we see the conflict between both sides, it can be analyzed with contentious politics theory. The use of contentious politics theory because this conflict involves the collective interaction between the claimant, i.e PT. Gunung Pelawan Lestari and claim object, i.e customary land and the land where the 11 ancestral graves stand. In contentious politics theory, there is also depletion of resources. This depletion of resources in the end will influencing people to get involved in the political tensions, like the high level of public complaints, legacy of previous protest, political opportunity structure, and the mechanism relation to help society resistance.

This study aims to understand e-government implementation in ATM Samsat services at Samsat Office of East Surabaya as well as the factors that obstruct the e-government based services implementation. The main idea of this study is the use of ATM Samsat smartcard service has not yet reached the target realization. E-Government project failure factors theory from Anthopoulos et.al.(2015) were used in this study with the instrument such as ICT and system development process. This study uses qualitative descriptive methods. The results indicates that the e-government implementation in ATM Samsat services were found in a form of phase simplification from motor vehicle tax payments by using smartcard. Furthermore, ICT and system development process were the factors that obstruct the e-government based services implementation. whereas ICT and system development process obstructs because ATM Samsat system were more complex than the manual system. Less socialization over the society also take effect because it was only done once which is when its launching.

Dramaturgy theory is a branch of the theory of symbolic interactionism. One of the most important works of self in symbolic interactionism is the Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959). The self concept according to Goffman strongly influenced by Mead thought, especially in his discussion of the tension between the spontaneous, "I" and "me", the self which is limited by social life. Goffman assumes that if interact, the actor wants to show sense of self that can be accepted by others. However, when the present themselves, the actors realize that members of the audience may interfere with performance. Because the actors adjust to control the audience, especially the elements that can be annoying. Mulyana (1999: 87) explains that the approach of Goffman core of the view that when humans interact with each other, he wants to "manage" the impression that he expected to grow on others against. To that end, each person do a "show" for others. Life is like a theater, social interaction on the stage to show the roles played by the actors. The world's political campaigns in Indonesia, political parties indeed have featured "front stage" with its lively, especially through the party's show of force in the form of a procession in the streets. In life in prison are negotiated order. Negotiation as a theater stage (Goffman) does not only happen in the next stage, (front stage) and a rear stage (front stage). Negotiations inmates and officers are also not merely impression management individually but also collectively. Keywords: Political Life, Prison (Asylum), Dramaturgy

This research is conducted to find out the causal factor soft the non optimal and retardation of the development of the borderarea in the Sanggau regency which was done by the government, seen from the perspective of the political decentralization. This research is aimed to describe and analyze the implementation of the political decentralization and the roles of central and local government's in the border area development with its determinant factors. The research uses qualitative research design. Library study, observation and purposive sampling interview are used as the data collection technique. Furthermore, the data is validated by using data reduction, data display ,triangulation, verification, and inference which is analyzed qualitatively. The basic theory and analysis in this research is the theory of decentralization in which giving/delivering power and authority from central government to the local government; such as political, fiscal, and administrative authorities. This term refers to the decentralization in the development field, its form can be in deconcentration and devolution. The result of the research shows that the development of the border area done by the government is not yet optimal. One of its indicators is the lack of basic infrastructure in Sanggau regency. However, there are some supporting factors in the development of the border area such as strategic geographical location, natural resources potential, and the support from local communities. In other hand, the constraint factors are the lack of potential will, government's commitment, limited financial budget, investment climate that is relatively less conducive, low quality of human resources, the local products that have not been competitive yet, and no laws and legal institution that are needed.

This research will examine the double standards of US foreign policy against the coup in Egypt in 2013, given that the US intervention against the Middle East region is very dominant. Attention and the US response be different in response to the case of the coup in Egypt. US seemed to not make this case as a priority despite the coup led to the violation of human rights and democracy. The response shown by the US is very different compared to the US intervention against Iraq and Libya are rated US itself as defending human rights and democracy in the region. The purpose of this research is to find out why the US double standards in its foreign policy related to the Egyptian coup. Data will be explored through literature method (library research). Overall the data will be correlated with foreign political theory of rational actor models that can explain the reason for choosing the attitude of the US double standard in a coup in Egypt in 2013 based on the selection and cost-benefit considerations on the measures taken. The results of this paper indicate that the indication of the double standards shown by the US to Egypt coup influenced by the victory of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) as a political Islam that could interfere with the stability and US interests in the Middle East. Some of the options and the consequences have been considered by the US in response to the case, including participating ignoring their violations of democracy and human rights in the case even though it was contrary to the foundations and principles of US foreign policy. Another indication that support multiple standards is the response of US allies in the Middle East, such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates who consider IM as a threat to the stability and the Middle East region. Keywords: US double standards, US foreign policy, coup Egypt, political Islam, Muslim Brotherhood Penelitian ini akan mengkaji standar ganda politik luar negeri Amerika Serikat terhadap kudeta di Mesir tahun 2013, mengingat bahwa intervensi AS terhadap kawasan Timur Tengah sangat dominan. Perhatian dan respon AS terlihat berbeda dalam menanggapi kasus kudeta di Mesir. AS seolah tidak membuat kasus ini sebagai prioritas walaupun kudeta tersebut berujung pada pelanggaran HAM dan demokrasi. Respon yang diperlihatkan oleh AS sangat berbeda jika dibandingkan dengan intervensi AS terhadap Irak dan Libya yang dinilai AS sendiri sebagai upaya penegakan HAM dan demokrasi di kawasan tersebut. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mencari tahu mengapa AS bersikap standar ganda dalam politik luar negerinya terkait dengan kudeta Mesir. Data akan ditelaah melalui metode kepustakaan. Keseluruhan data akan dikorelasikan dengan teori politik luar negeri model aktor rasional yang dapat memaparkan alasan AS untuk memilih sikap standar ganda dalam kudeta Mesir 2013 berdasarkan pemilihan dan pertimbangan untung-rugi atas tindakan yang telah diambil. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa indikasi standar ganda yang diperlihatkan oleh AS terhadap kudeta Mesir dipengaruhi oleh kemenangan Ikhwanul Muslimin (IM) sebagai political Islamyang dapat mengganggu stabilitas dan kepentingan AS di Timur Tengah. Beberapa pilihan dan konsekuensi telah dipertimbangkan oleh AS dalam merespon kasus ini, termasuk ikut mengabaikan adanya pelanggaran demokrasi dan HAM dalam kasus tersebut walaupun hal tersebut bertentangan dengan landasan dan prinsip politik luar negeri AS. Indikasi lain yang mendukung standar ganda ialah respon sekutu AS di Timur Tengah, seperti: Israel, Arab Saudi, dan Uni Emirat Arab yang menganggap IM sebagai ancaman bagi stabilitas dan kawasan Timur Tengah. Kata kunci: standar ganda AS, politik luar negeri AS, kudeta Mesir, politik Islam, Ikhwanul Muslimin