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Political Tolerance in India
In: Asian survey, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 533-558
ISSN: 1533-838X
This study of political tolerance in India reveals a positive correlation between such tolerance and membership in political parties and unions, and living in urban areas. Surprisingly, the study finds no difference in the levels of political tolerance between BJP and Congress (I) supporters, and no connection with education levels.
Evangelicals and Political Tolerance
In: American politics quarterly, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 25-46
ISSN: 1532-673X
The article explores four possible explanations for the lower levels of political tolerance of evangelical Christians. First, these differences could be spurious, due to demographic differences. Second, evangelicals may be less tolerant of atheists, homosexuals, and communists, but more tolerant of groups on the other side of the political spectrum, suggesting a group effect. Third, evangelical intolerance may be the result of higher levels of religiosity. Finally, the religious doctrine of evangelicals may produce greater levels of intolerance. Using data from a national survey on tolerance and from the General Social Survey, the article concludes that demographic variables and religiosity are partial explanations for the greater intolerance of evangelicals. Group affect seems to play no role: evangelicals are less tolerant of communists, atheists, racists, and militarists. Finally, religious doctrine plays a major role in explaining evangelical intolerance.
Trends in Political Tolerance
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 1
ISSN: 1537-5331
Antipartisanship and political tolerance in Brazil
ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.
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The Social Value of Political Tolerance
Political tolerance, which is the willingness to extend civil liberties, is a core principle in a democracy. In the study of tolerance, scholars use some variation of the tolerance scale, which gives us individual and aggregated willingness to extend civil liberties, such as free speech to disliked groups. There are potential issues with the way tolerance is measured, particularly with regard to different social groups. Through a series of experimental studies using student and internet samples, I examine whether political tolerance is susceptible to social concerns. Given that the measure of tolerance may be susceptible to social concerns, estimates of political tolerance may not fully capture actual tolerance.
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POLITICAL TOLERANCE IN INDONESIAN-MUSLIM
Abstract In the field of political behavior, tolerance is a crucial element to keep harmonious relationship. Studies should be able to measure a valid construct of tolerance in an effort to understand it further. Ferrar (1979) conducted a research focusing on the concept of political tolerance and theorized political tolerance to have three dimensions, namely flexible, approval, and allowance. This study aims to construct a political tolerance scale based on Ferrar's concept and dimensions. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) is employed to test the construct validity and dimensionality of the Political Tolerance Scale. Participants were 300 Indonesian-Muslims. The results support the Political Tolerance Scale as a unidimensional scale consists of flexible, approval, and allowance dimensions. However, the limitation of the samples' characteristic suggests future studies to conduct further researches on samples with different characteristics.AbstractDalam ilmu perilaku politik, toleransi adalah merupakan elemen penting untuk menjaga keharmonisan hubungan. Kajian saintifik harus mampu mengukur konstruk toleransi yang valid dalam upaya memahaminya lebih jauh. Ferrar (1979) melakukan penelitian yang berfokus pada konsep toleransi politik dimana toleransi politik diteorikan memiliki tiga dimensi, yaitu fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkonstruksi alat ukur toleransi politik. Analisis faktor konfirmatori (CFA) digunakan untuk menguji validitas konstruk dan dimensi Skala Toleransi. Pesertanya adalah 300 orang Muslim Indonesia. Hasil yang didapat mendukung Skala Toleransi Politik sebagai skala unidimensional yang terdiri dari dimensi fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Namun, keterbatasan karakteristik sampel mendorong studi selanjutnya untuk melakukan penelitian lebih lanjut pada karakteristik sampel yang berbeda.
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On the Conceptualization and Measurement of Political Tolerance
In: American political science review, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 603-620
ISSN: 1537-5943
Research on political tolerance has made substantial progress in recent years by improving the measures used to gauge public opinion. Much attention has been devoted to developing indicators that control for group affect. Controls for activity affect have not been pursued as vigorously. Indeed, much of the progress has been along the lines of specifying tolerance for unpopular political minorities rather than tolerance for unorthodox or threatening political activities. More generally, tolerance research has not been sensitive to the variety of contextual factors that determine citizen attitudes in civil-liberties disputes.A new approach to measuring political tolerance is presented in this article. The measures developed in this approach disaggregate the traditional measures of tolerance (such as Stouffer's (1955) support for "a communist making a speech in your community"). In particular, scales measuring support for freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom of political association are presented. As multiple-indicator measures posing conflicts among values, these scales are related to traditional tolerance measures. However, because they reflect the complexity and conflict associated with actual civil-liberties disputes, they will no doubt serve as better predictors of opinions and behaviors in actual disputes.
Antipartisanship and political tolerance in Brazil
ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.
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Political tolerance for native minorities
Work Package 5: New Knowledge on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity in Europe ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.
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Blacks & Ethnic Political Tolerance
In: Polity, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 302-320
ISSN: 1744-1684
Preadult Development of Political Tolerance
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 547
ISSN: 1467-9221
A Note on "Trends in Political Tolerance"
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 26
ISSN: 1537-5331
Effects of Political Knowledge on Political Tolerance
In: Journal of political science education, Band 14, Heft 1, S. 104-122
ISSN: 1551-2177