Suchergebnisse
Filter
Trends in Political Tolerance
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 1-25
ISSN: 0033-362X
Some researchers have claimed that there has been a substantial increase in political tolerance among the US public since the 1950s, while others assert that this increase is illusory -- though more tolerant of leftists, the public has simply found other targets on which to vent its intolerance. Data from Samuel A. Stouffer's 1954 survey on civil liberties (Communism, Conformity, & Civil Liberties, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1955) are reanalyzed after recalculating some of its measures to simulate the least-liked group question used in a study conducted twenty years later that arrived at different conclusions (Sullivan, John L., Piereson, James, & Marcus, George E., "An Alternative Conceptualization of Political Tolerance: Illusory Increases, 1950's-1970's," American Political Science Review, 1982, 73, 781-794). In addition, extensive trend data from polls conducted between 1940 & 1985 are analyzed. It is concluded that this shift does primarily reflect greater tolerance of leftists, although tolerance has fluctuated greatly over this period, largely due to changes in perceptions regarding threats from putatively subversive groups, especially domestic communists. However, the public's grasp of & concern about civil liberties seems so minimal that it can be argued that it really has no tangibly measurable attitude on the subject one way or the other. In A Note on "Trends in Political Tolerance", John L. Sullivan & George E. Marcus explain why they used the content-controlled measurement strategy in their initial study, defend their conceptualizations of tolerance & threat, & show why it is difficult to adequately compare their results with those of other researchers. It is concluded that Mueller is persuasive in arguing that attitudes toward communists have changed over time, but less so regarding changes in the level & structure of overall political tolerance. 6 Tables, 56 References. K. Hyatt
Evangelicals and Political Tolerance
In: American politics quarterly, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 25
ISSN: 0044-7803
Trends in political tolerance
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 52, Heft Spring 88
ISSN: 0033-362X
Discusses the considerable fluctuations in measured tolerance that have occurred over the last half century, and concludes with some comments about the degree to which the public can be said to be whimsical in its approach to the issue of civil liberties. Although the public seems able to react to news events in a predictable manner, it may be most useful to conclude that no meaningfully measurable attitude on tolerance exists. (PFB)
Evangelicals and political tolerance
In: American politics quarterly, Band 18, S. 25-46
ISSN: 0044-7803
Factors influencing the tolerance level of evangelical Christians; 1972-88 survey data; US; based on conference paper. Whether evangelical Christians have less political tolerance; demographic variables, religiosity, and group affect.
Political Tolerance in India
In: Asian survey, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 533-558
ISSN: 1533-838X
This study of political tolerance in India reveals a positive correlation between such tolerance and membership in political parties and unions, and living in urban areas. Surprisingly, the study finds no difference in the levels of political tolerance between BJP and Congress (I) supporters, and no connection with education levels.
Evangelicals and Political Tolerance
In: American politics quarterly, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 25-46
ISSN: 1532-673X
The article explores four possible explanations for the lower levels of political tolerance of evangelical Christians. First, these differences could be spurious, due to demographic differences. Second, evangelicals may be less tolerant of atheists, homosexuals, and communists, but more tolerant of groups on the other side of the political spectrum, suggesting a group effect. Third, evangelical intolerance may be the result of higher levels of religiosity. Finally, the religious doctrine of evangelicals may produce greater levels of intolerance. Using data from a national survey on tolerance and from the General Social Survey, the article concludes that demographic variables and religiosity are partial explanations for the greater intolerance of evangelicals. Group affect seems to play no role: evangelicals are less tolerant of communists, atheists, racists, and militarists. Finally, religious doctrine plays a major role in explaining evangelical intolerance.
Trends in political tolerance
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 52, S. 1-32
ISSN: 0033-362X
U.S. public opinion on the civil liberties of Communists, dissenters, and nonconformist groups, 1954-85; with comment.
Trends in Political Tolerance
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 52, Heft 1, S. 1
ISSN: 1537-5331
ON THE CONCEPTUALIZATION AND MEASUREMENT OF POLITICAL TOLERANCE
In: American political science review, Band 76, Heft 3, S. 603-620
ISSN: 0003-0554
RESEARCH ON POLITICAL TOLERANCE HAS MADE SUBSTANTIAL PROGRESS IN RECENT YEARS BY IMPROVING THE MEASURES USED TO GAUGE PUBLIC OPINION. MUCH ATTENTION HAS BEEN DEVOTED TO DEVELOPING INDICATORS THAT CONTROL FOR GROUP AFFECT. CONTROLS FOR ACTIVITY AFFECT HAVE NOT BEEN PURSUED AS VIGOROUSLY. INDEED, MUCH OF THE PROGRESS HAS BEEN ALONG THE LINES OF SPECIFYING TOLERANCE FOR UNPOPULAR POLITICAL MINORITIES RATHER THAN TOLERANCE FOR UNORTHODOX OR THREATENING POLITICAL ACTIVITIES. MORE GENERALLY, TOLERANCE RESEARCH HAS NOT BEEN SENSITIVE TO THE VARIETY OF CONTEXTUAL FACTORS THAT DETERMINE CITIZEN ATTITUDES IN CIVIL-LIBERTIES DISPUTES. A NEW APPROACH TO MEASURING POLITICAL TOLERANCE IS PRESENTED IN THIS ARTICLE. THE MEASURES DEVELOPED IN THIS APPROACH DISAGGREGATE THE TRADITIONAL MEASURES OF TOLERANCE (SUCH AS STOUFFER'S (1955) SUPPORT FOR "A COMMUNIST MAKING A SPEECH IN YOUR COMMUNITY) IN PARTICULAR, SCALES MEASURING SUPPORT FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH, FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY, AND FREEDOM OF POLITICAL ASSOCIATION ARE PRESENTED. AS MULTIPLE-INDICATOR MEASURES POSING CONFLICTS AMONG VALUES, THESE SCALES ARE RELATED TO TRADITIONAL TOLERANCE MEASURES. HOWEVER, BECAUSE THEY REFLECT THE COMPLEXITY AND CONFLICT ASSOCIATED WITH ACTUAL CIVIL-LIBERTIES DISPUTES, THEY WILL NO DOUBT SERVE AS BETTER PREDICTORS OF OPINIONS AND BEHAVIORS IN ACTUAL DISPUTES.
Paradox of Political Tolerance in Croatia
In: Politicka misao, Band 33, Heft 5, S. 44-54
Although victims of aggression, Croats have been labeled as intolerant & aggressors themselves. However, contrary to expectation, several independent studies of tolerance have shown a relatively high level of political tolerance in Croatia. In an American study, data pointing to the toleration paradox were interpreted as inconsistent toleration. Also, some incidents that occurred in Croatia pertaining to the toleration paradox were used as indicators of the lack of tolerance. 2 Tables, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
Antipartisanship and political tolerance in Brazil
ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.
BASE
Gender Gap in Political Tolerance
In: Political behavior, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 43-66
ISSN: 0190-9320
PREADULT DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL TOLERANCE
In: Political psychology: journal of the International Society of Political Psychology, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 547-561
ISSN: 0162-895X
THIS IS A STUDY OF THE LEVELS AND ORIGINS OF POLITICAL TOLERANCE USING A SAMPLE OF 10- TO 17-YEAR-OLD WISCONSIN PREADULTS AND THEIR PARENTS. THE RESPONDENTS WERE INTERVIEWED BY TELEPHONE THREE TIMES FROM EARLY 1980 TO LATE 1981. IN GENERAL, POLITICAL TOLERANCE WAS LOW, BOTH FOR PARENTS AND THEIR CHILDREN. THE PREADULTS, HOWEVER, EXHIBITED GREATER POLITICAL TOLERANCE THAN DID THEIR PARENTS. INDEED, THEY SHOWED AN AGE-RELATED DEVELOPMENTAL PATTERN OPPOSITE TO THAT OF ADULTS. FOR TOLERATION OF COMMUNISTS AND OF RACISTS THERE WERE ROUGHLY THE SAME PATTERNS, BUT WITH SOME INTERESTING DIFFERENCES. THERE WERE SMALL, BUT SIGNIFICANT, PARENT AND CHILD CORRESPONDENCES. FAMILIAL INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION PATTERNS HAVE AN INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOLERANCE IN CHILDREN. MASS-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION, HOWEVER, IS NOT SIGNIFICANTLY RELATED TO INSTILLING TOLERANT VALUES IN CHILDREN, ALTHOUGH IT IS IMPORTANT FOR ADULTS.