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Some researchers have claimed that there has been a substantial increase in political tolerance among the US public since the 1950s, while others assert that this increase is illusory -- though more tolerant of leftists, the public has simply found other targets on which to vent its intolerance. Data from Samuel A. Stouffer's 1954 survey on civil liberties (Communism, Conformity, & Civil Liberties, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1955) are reanalyzed after recalculating some of its measures to simulate the least-liked group question used in a study conducted twenty years later that arrived at different conclusions (Sullivan, John L., Piereson, James, & Marcus, George E., "An Alternative Conceptualization of Political Tolerance: Illusory Increases, 1950's-1970's," American Political Science Review, 1982, 73, 781-794). In addition, extensive trend data from polls conducted between 1940 & 1985 are analyzed. It is concluded that this shift does primarily reflect greater tolerance of leftists, although tolerance has fluctuated greatly over this period, largely due to changes in perceptions regarding threats from putatively subversive groups, especially domestic communists. However, the public's grasp of & concern about civil liberties seems so minimal that it can be argued that it really has no tangibly measurable attitude on the subject one way or the other. In A Note on "Trends in Political Tolerance", John L. Sullivan & George E. Marcus explain why they used the content-controlled measurement strategy in their initial study, defend their conceptualizations of tolerance & threat, & show why it is difficult to adequately compare their results with those of other researchers. It is concluded that Mueller is persuasive in arguing that attitudes toward communists have changed over time, but less so regarding changes in the level & structure of overall political tolerance. 6 Tables, 56 References. K. Hyatt

Discusses the considerable fluctuations in measured tolerance that have occurred over the last half century, and concludes with some comments about the degree to which the public can be said to be whimsical in its approach to the issue of civil liberties. Although the public seems able to react to news events in a predictable manner, it may be most useful to conclude that no meaningfully measurable attitude on tolerance exists. (PFB)

This study of political tolerance in India reveals a positive correlation between such tolerance and membership in political parties and unions, and living in urban areas. Surprisingly, the study finds no difference in the levels of political tolerance between BJP and Congress (I) supporters, and no connection with education levels.

U.S. public opinion on the civil liberties of Communists, dissenters, and nonconformist groups, 1954-85; with comment.

Abstract In the field of political behavior, tolerance is a crucial element to keep harmonious relationship. Studies should be able to measure a valid construct of tolerance in an effort to understand it further. Ferrar (1979) conducted a research focusing on the concept of political tolerance and theorized political tolerance to have three dimensions, namely flexible, approval, and allowance. This study aims to construct a political tolerance scale based on Ferrar's concept and dimensions. Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) is employed to test the construct validity and dimensionality of the Political Tolerance Scale. Participants were 300 Indonesian-Muslims. The results support the Political Tolerance Scale as a unidimensional scale consists of flexible, approval, and allowance dimensions. However, the limitation of the samples' characteristic suggests future studies to conduct further researches on samples with different characteristics.AbstractDalam ilmu perilaku politik, toleransi adalah merupakan elemen penting untuk menjaga keharmonisan hubungan. Kajian saintifik harus mampu mengukur konstruk toleransi yang valid dalam upaya memahaminya lebih jauh. Ferrar (1979) melakukan penelitian yang berfokus pada konsep toleransi politik dimana toleransi politik diteorikan memiliki tiga dimensi, yaitu fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkonstruksi alat ukur toleransi politik. Analisis faktor konfirmatori (CFA) digunakan untuk menguji validitas konstruk dan dimensi Skala Toleransi. Pesertanya adalah 300 orang Muslim Indonesia. Hasil yang didapat mendukung Skala Toleransi Politik sebagai skala unidimensional yang terdiri dari dimensi fleksibel, persetujuan, dan pengakomodiran. Namun, keterbatasan karakteristik sampel mendorong studi selanjutnya untuk melakukan penelitian lebih lanjut pada karakteristik sampel yang berbeda.

Factors influencing the tolerance level of evangelical Christians; 1972-88 survey data; US; based on conference paper. Whether evangelical Christians have less political tolerance; demographic variables, religiosity, and group affect.

The article explores four possible explanations for the lower levels of political tolerance of evangelical Christians. First, these differences could be spurious, due to demographic differences. Second, evangelicals may be less tolerant of atheists, homosexuals, and communists, but more tolerant of groups on the other side of the political spectrum, suggesting a group effect. Third, evangelical intolerance may be the result of higher levels of religiosity. Finally, the religious doctrine of evangelicals may produce greater levels of intolerance. Using data from a national survey on tolerance and from the General Social Survey, the article concludes that demographic variables and religiosity are partial explanations for the greater intolerance of evangelicals. Group affect seems to play no role: evangelicals are less tolerant of communists, atheists, racists, and militarists. Finally, religious doctrine plays a major role in explaining evangelical intolerance.

This research on the political tolerance among youth (high school & university students) is based on the theory & concepts by J. Sullivan & his associates (1979). The level of political tolerance of our respondents toward the least liked group depends largely on the group itself & the content of political freedom that is tolerable or intolerable. Averaging the responses to the six questions of political tolerance, only 35% of the respondents displayed political tolerance. This level of tolerance is closer to that of Israeli citizens than US or British. 9 Tables, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

This research on the political tolerance among youth (high school & university students) is based on the theory & concepts by J. Sullivan & his associates (1979). The level of political tolerance of our respondents toward the least liked group depends largely on the group itself & the content of political freedom that is tolerable or intolerable. Averaging the responses to the six questions of political tolerance, only 35% of the respondents displayed political tolerance. This level of tolerance is closer to that of Israeli citizens than US or British. 9 Tables, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.

Although victims of aggression, Croats have been labeled as intolerant & aggressors themselves. However, contrary to expectation, several independent studies of tolerance have shown a relatively high level of political tolerance in Croatia. In an American study, data pointing to the toleration paradox were interpreted as inconsistent toleration. Also, some incidents that occurred in Croatia pertaining to the toleration paradox were used as indicators of the lack of tolerance. 2 Tables, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.