Suchergebnisse

This research on the political tolerance among youth (high school & university students) is based on the theory & concepts by J. Sullivan & his associates (1979). The level of political tolerance of our respondents toward the least liked group depends largely on the group itself & the content of political freedom that is tolerable or intolerable. Averaging the responses to the six questions of political tolerance, only 35% of the respondents displayed political tolerance. This level of tolerance is closer to that of Israeli citizens than US or British. 9 Tables, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.

Although victims of aggression, Croats have been labeled as intolerant & aggressors themselves. However, contrary to expectation, several independent studies of tolerance have shown a relatively high level of political tolerance in Croatia. In an American study, data pointing to the toleration paradox were interpreted as inconsistent toleration. Also, some incidents that occurred in Croatia pertaining to the toleration paradox were used as indicators of the lack of tolerance. 2 Tables, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

THIS IS A STUDY OF THE LEVELS AND ORIGINS OF POLITICAL TOLERANCE USING A SAMPLE OF 10- TO 17-YEAR-OLD WISCONSIN PREADULTS AND THEIR PARENTS. THE RESPONDENTS WERE INTERVIEWED BY TELEPHONE THREE TIMES FROM EARLY 1980 TO LATE 1981. IN GENERAL, POLITICAL TOLERANCE WAS LOW, BOTH FOR PARENTS AND THEIR CHILDREN. THE PREADULTS, HOWEVER, EXHIBITED GREATER POLITICAL TOLERANCE THAN DID THEIR PARENTS. INDEED, THEY SHOWED AN AGE-RELATED DEVELOPMENTAL PATTERN OPPOSITE TO THAT OF ADULTS. FOR TOLERATION OF COMMUNISTS AND OF RACISTS THERE WERE ROUGHLY THE SAME PATTERNS, BUT WITH SOME INTERESTING DIFFERENCES. THERE WERE SMALL, BUT SIGNIFICANT, PARENT AND CHILD CORRESPONDENCES. FAMILIAL INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION PATTERNS HAVE AN INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOLERANCE IN CHILDREN. MASS-MEDIATED COMMUNICATION, HOWEVER, IS NOT SIGNIFICANTLY RELATED TO INSTILLING TOLERANT VALUES IN CHILDREN, ALTHOUGH IT IS IMPORTANT FOR ADULTS.

Although victims of aggression, Croats have been labelled as intolerant and aggressor as imperilled. Several independent studies of tolerance have shown a relatively high level of political tolerance in Croatia. Since such results were contrary to the expected, in an American study data pointing to the toleration paradox were interpreted as inconsistent toleration. Also, some incidents that occurred in Croatia pertaining to the toleration paradox were used as indicators of the lack of tolerance. (SOI : PM: S. 44)

ABSTRACT Introduction: This article propose to connect two research agendas on political behavior: studies on political tolerance and research on partisanship. Search, by connecting these two agendas, to assess the extent to which parties have become targets of political intolerance and thereby to assess the intensity of negative attitudes towards this central institution of democracy. Studies on partisanship conflicts in Brazil have focused on the antagonism opposing petismo and antipetismo. However, the 2018 elections have shown that Brazilians also adopt other forms of antipartisanship. Changes in patterns of political and electoral behavior in recent years can only be properly understood if we consider variation over time in the intensity and scope of antipartisan sentiment. We propose a typology where antipartisanship may be moderate or radical and may have a narrower or broader target. This theme is significant not only for interpreting Brazil's current political context, but also for deepening understanding of theoretical and analytical questions. Our understanding is that these different types of antipartisanship are distinct phenomena with different effects. Materials and Methods: The data we use to construct the proposed typology and analyze the range and intensity of antipartisanship are derived from an unprecedented Latin America Public Opinion Project initiative to measure political tolerance in Brazil, in its 2017 edition. Our methodology combine variables of disaffection and political intolerance to construct different voter profiles, based on respondent's attitudes towards unpopular groups, including political parties. After constructing the typology, we propose regression models to estimate the effects of each type on several attitudes, like support to democracy and institutional trust. Results: Our findings show a relationship between the most extreme types of antipartisanship and attitudes towards democracy. Compared with non-antipartisan voters, intolerant antipartisan are less supportive of democracy and democratic institutions and less favorable to freedom of expression and the granting of political rights to minorities. The intensity of antipartisanship matters more than its scope, since the models show that, there is little difference in the degree of commitment to democracy and democratic principles between the two types of intolerant antipartisans, regardless of the scope of the target of their disapproval. This means that attitudes toward democracy, democratic institutions, and democratic principles depend less on the scope antipartisanship, than on political intolerance towards these groups. Discussion: The data and results presented here indicate that antipartisanship is not a one-dimensional phenomenon. The individual is not merely antipartisan or non-antipartisan. We show that antipartisanship contains at least two dimensions: its scope and intensity. Previous studies have already shown the existence of different expressions of antipartisanship, but this diversity has not yet been systematically explored using a well-defined typology. Our work points to this research agenda.KEYWORDS: antipartisanship; political tolerance; political attitudes; political parties; democracy.

Work Package 5: New Knowledge on Tolerance and Cultural Diversity in Europe ; The ACCEPT PLURALISM project (2010-2013) is funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Socio-economic Sciences and Humanities. (Call FP7-SSH-2009-A, Grant Agreement no: 243837). Coordinator: Prof. Anna Triandafyllidou, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute.