The wave of protests that, starting from the end of 2010, hit some countries in the Middle- East North-Africa region, leading to the fall of long-standing autocratic regimes and referred to as the Arab Spring, has renewed the interests of researchers on youth bulges. The youth bulge theory links the demographic transition to political instability, by asserting that countries characterized by a particularly young population tend to be more vulnerable to political violence. The aim of the thesis is to test empirically this hypothesis on a sample of 160 countries in the post-World War II period. For this purpose, we adopt an econometric strategy alternative to the one prevailing in the literature on the determinants of civil conflicts: we employ a simple linear regression model which accounts for country and time fixed effects.
International audience ; The specter of "population explosion" is often invoked today and even to be convinced that it is possible to find in population growth the cause of poverty in many countries. In fact, abusive appeals to demography are often made to confer a kind of scientific justification on programs of action which have heavily ideological connotations. It is therefore necessary to keep in mind the findings of the science of population in order to understand the notably different situations, and to grasp the mechanisms which explain why and in what way demographic changes vary in time and space. These same findings call for an in-depth analysis of development policies. ; Es frecuente hoy día evocar el fantasma de una «explosión demográfica» y estar convencidos de poder atribuir al crecimiento de población la razón de la pobreza de muchas naciones. En realidad, la «demografía» se utiliza mal muchas veces, para dar una apariencia de justificación científica a programas de acción con fuerte carga ideológica. Por consiguiente, es necesario considerar las enseñanzas de la ciencia de la población para comprender la notable diversidad de las situaciones, así como para aceptar los mecanismos que explican las causas y la manera de las variaciones demográficas en el tiempo y en el espacio. Estas mismas enseñanzas exigen un estudio atento de las políticas de desarrollo. ; Lo spettro di un'"esplosione demografica" viene spesso invocato oggi e persino per convincersi che in molti paesi è possibile trovare nella crescita della popolazione la causa della povertà. Di fatto, gli appelli abusivi alla demografia sono spesso fatti per conferire una sorta di giustificazione scientifica a programmi d'azione che hanno connotazioni fortemente ideologiche. È quindi necessario tenere a mente i risultati della scienza della popolazione per comprendere le situazioni notevolmente diverse e per comprendere i meccanismi che spiegano perché e in che modo i cambiamenti demografici variano nel tempo e nello spazio. Questi stessi ...
International audience ; The specter of "population explosion" is often invoked today and even to be convinced that it is possible to find in population growth the cause of poverty in many countries. In fact, abusive appeals to demography are often made to confer a kind of scientific justification on programs of action which have heavily ideological connotations. It is therefore necessary to keep in mind the findings of the science of population in order to understand the notably different situations, and to grasp the mechanisms which explain why and in what way demographic changes vary in time and space. These same findings call for an in-depth analysis of development policies. ; Es frecuente hoy día evocar el fantasma de una «explosión demográfica» y estar convencidos de poder atribuir al crecimiento de población la razón de la pobreza de muchas naciones. En realidad, la «demografía» se utiliza mal muchas veces, para dar una apariencia de justificación científica a programas de acción con fuerte carga ideológica. Por consiguiente, es necesario considerar las enseñanzas de la ciencia de la población para comprender la notable diversidad de las situaciones, así como para aceptar los mecanismos que explican las causas y la manera de las variaciones demográficas en el tiempo y en el espacio. Estas mismas enseñanzas exigen un estudio atento de las políticas de desarrollo. ; Lo spettro di un'"esplosione demografica" viene spesso invocato oggi e persino per convincersi che in molti paesi è possibile trovare nella crescita della popolazione la causa della povertà. Di fatto, gli appelli abusivi alla demografia sono spesso fatti per conferire una sorta di giustificazione scientifica a programmi d'azione che hanno connotazioni fortemente ideologiche. È quindi necessario tenere a mente i risultati della scienza della popolazione per comprendere le situazioni notevolmente diverse e per comprendere i meccanismi che spiegano perché e in che modo i cambiamenti demografici variano nel tempo e nello spazio. Questi stessi ...
L'avatar yéménite des «Printemps arabes» a initialement donné lieu à un processus de transition politique enthousiasmant. Celui-ci s'est toutefois rapidement gâté, débouchant sur une guerre et le délitement des institutions étatiques. Comment expliquer cette détérioration? Ce court article se focalise sur deux dynamiques de segmentarisation et de polarisation identitaires qui semblent saper les bases et ressources de l'État yéménite, entre Nord et Sud(s), entre sunnites et chiites. Il entend également tracer les prémices de l'émergence d'une tierce identité, structurée autour de la ville de Taëz, qui permet de dépasser les impasses de la polarisation. ; La reincarnazione yemenita delle «primavere arabe» ha inizialmente dato luogo ad un processo di transizione politica entusiasmante. Questo si è tuttavia rapidamente deteriorato, approdando ad una guerra e alla deliquescenza delle istituzioni statuali. Come spiegare questo deterioramento ? Questo breve articolo mette l'accento su due dinamiche di segmentarizzazione e polarizzazione identitarie, che sembrano minare le basi e le risorse dello Stato yemenita, tra Nord e Sud(s), tra sunniti e sciiti. Si intendono ugualmente tracciare le premesse di una identità 'terza', strutturata intorno alla città di Taëz, che permetta di superare le impasse di questa polarizzazione.
The purpose of this paper is to provide the reader with a brief historical and historiographical summary of the main features of the cultural, political and social contexts in which Adam Smith develops his thought on human nature. There are two hypotheses to be demonstrated: 1) The need to talk about plural contexts rather than a single context in reference to the Scottish Eighteenth Century; 2) The fact that these contexts are characterized by three main elements: transition, progress and conflict. ; Scopo di questo scritto è fornire al lettore una breve sintesi storica e storiografica dei caratteri salienti dei contesti culturali, politici e sociali in cui Adam Smith sviluppa il suo pensiero sulla natura umana. Sono due le ipotesi da dimostrare: 1) La necessità di parlare di contesti al plurale, anziché di un singolo contesto, in riferimento al Settecento scozzese; 2) Il fatto che questi contesti siano caratterizzati da tre elementi principali: transizione, progresso e conflitto.
La morte di Mu'ammar Qadhafi non implicava ineluttabilmente l'estrema frammentazione e la competizione violenta che hanno caratterizzato la transizione libica dal 2011 e che potrebbero, a lungo termine, minacciare l'esistenza stessa della Libia come Stato unitario. Le dinamiche proprie alla guerra del 2011 hanno influenzato profondamente il corso della transizione. Allo stesso modo, le scelte operate dalle nuove élites politiche libiche, l'intervento degli attori esterni e la natura del processo di mediazione in sede ONU hanno contribuito ad accrescere le divisioni e la frammentazione del territorio e della comunità nazionale. ; The extreme fragmentation and violent competition that have characterized Libya's transition since 2011 and now threaten its very existence as a unitary state were not inevitable. The specific dynamics of the 2011 war have profoundly influenced the course of the transition. The choices made by Libya's new political elites, the intervention of foreign actors and the nature of the UN-led mediation process have also contributed to further divide the territory and the national community. ; La mort de Mu'ammar Qadhafi n'impliquait pas inéluctablement la fragmentation extrême et la compétition violente qui ont caractérisé la transition libyenne depuis 2011 et qui pourraient, sur le long terme, menacer l'existence-même de la Libye comme État unitaire. Les dynamiques propres à la guerre de 2011 ont profondément influencé le cours de la transition. De même, les choix opérés par les nouvelles élites politiques libyennes, l'intervention des acteurs extérieurs et la nature du processus de médiation onusien, ont contribué à accroître les divisions et la fragmentation du territoire et de la communauté nationale.
The article provides a systematic assessment of the Italian political transition through the results of three national elections, from 1994 to 2001, covering a wide variety of topics. In particular, the residual polarization assumed by the previous literature is found theoretically flawed & empirically disproved. The more recent center-periphery cleavage has evaporated with the demise of the Northern League. Far from being "winning," the political extremes are stable or losing; parties of the center, in turn, are declining at a faster pace than in comparable democracies, & their numbers are, by 2001, among the smallest, whereas they were the strongest 10 years ago. As a consequence, the Italian case shows the whole set of standard conditions for bipolar, centripetal competitions, though two problems remain: fragmentation, which might be cured with the electoral reform, but is not the main, nor the most deviant feature, of the present system; & a deep destructuration crisis, whose indicators distinguish more sharply the Italian parties from their European counterparts, & whose effects might be felt for a long time & significantly depress the system performance of the main political actors. 13 Tables, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.
The institutional and political transition of the early '90s, commonly termed "the end of the First Republic", imposed a radical change in political cleavages underlying the Italian party system. The affirmation of a bipolar and majoritarian electoral process, despite its imperfection, characterized the so-called "Second Republic" up to the most recent electoral crisis in 2013. In this article, the changes in political and ideological cleavages accompanying the shifts in the Italian party system between the late '80s and the early '90s are discussed in order to understand the reasons for the current difficulties in the institutional reform process. Such changes are also discussed by taking into account European politics as an "external constraint" for the Italian political system.
La Tesi in oggetto tratta della storia di Puerto Rico, colonia spagnola nelle Antille per circa 400 anni, poi possedimento statunitense dal trattato di pace firmato a Parigi nel dicembre del 1898, come conseguenza della guerra Ispano Cubano Americana. Detto questo, mi sono voluto focalizzare sugli anni che precedettero di poco la guerra, che portò alla Spagna la perdita delle ultime colonie, e di quelli immediatamente successivi, in cui si instaurò un Governatorato Militare e poi Civile sotto l'egida degli Stati Uniti. La scelta del periodo suddetto è stata fatta perché ho ritenuto che quegli anni avessero fatto da matrice a ciò che Puerto Rico è stato per molti anni (e per certi versi ancora ora è): un paese in cerca di una identità. Dai documenti archivistici consultati, l'ultimo periodo spagnolo è vissuto dalla potenza coloniale come una lunga ed inesorabile attesa verso una fine drammatica. Mi sono focalizzato molto sui documenti che trattavano le relazioni fra il Governo di Madrid, e del Ministero deputato alle colonie, Ultramar, e quello di Puerto Rico, proprio per cercare di capire come vivessero gli amministratori, i governanti, quegli anni per loro niente affatto facili. Ho completato quei documenti con altri di provenienza opposta, ossia statunitense, prodotti dal rappresentante americano sull'isola, il Console, che davano una visione più ampia e completa del periodo in esame. Visione ulteriormente allargata grazie anche a fonti esterne ai due stati come quelle a stampa. Stampa che ha giocato un ruolo, almeno nel caso dello scoppio della guerra, per nulla secondario. Da altri documenti archivistici, di stampo militare soprattutto, ho anche voluto soffermarmi su alcuni momenti della guerra che mi sono serviti a capire il grande divario che c'era fra le due forze in campo. Altro punto, e periodo, approfondito è quello immediatamente successivo alla firma dell'armistizio che avrebbe portato al Trattato di Pace fra le due potenze, perché il brusco cambio di potere, intervallato da una sorta di vacatio imperii dovuta alla evacuazione dell'isola da parte spagnola e l'impossessamento della stessa da parte statunitense, ha portato ad un periodo di criminalità e violenza mai sperimentati a Puerto Rico fino ad allora. Altro lasso di tempo topico preso in esame è quello in cui dal Governatorato Militare si passa a quello Civile attraverso una Legge Organica emanata da Washington, passata alla storia come Legge Foraker. E' quello il periodo in cui il colonialismo di stampo americano inizia ad estrinsecarsi maggiormente e a compiere più alacri sforzi ai fini della "americanizzazione" di Puerto Rico. Da quanto detto finora, le domande che mi sono posto, e a cui ho cercato di dare una risposta, sono state: Come si viveva dal punto di vista amministrativo e politico, e di conseguenza anche sociale, a Puerto Rico negli ultimi anni di dominio spagnolo? Come è avvenuto il passaggio di consegne fra le due potenze e cosa ha immediatamente prodotto? Come gli statunitensi hanno agito nei primi anni di Governatorato Civile e cosa hanno lasciato in eredità? In tutto ciò, il filone storiografico a cui mi sono accodato è quello di stampo portoricano e poi statunitense ( non esistendone in Italia uno al riguardo), con come storico di maggiore riferimento il portoricano Fernando Picò. ; The thesis in question is about the history of Puerto Rico, the Spanish colony in the West Indies for 400 years, then the property of the US by the treaty of peace signed in Paris in December 1898, as a result of the Hispanic Cuban American war. That said, I wanted to focus on the years leading up to the war, which led to the loss of the last Spanish colonies, and those immediately following, in which is established a Military Government and then the Civil under the aegis of the United States.The choice of that period has been taken because I thought that those years had been like a matrix for what Puerto Rico has been for long years (and still is, in some ways): a country looking for an identity. From the archive documents that I've consulted, the last period of Spanish rule is lived by the colonial power as a long and inexorable waiting for a dramatic end. I have been focused on documents about the relationships among Madrid Govern, Ministerio de Ultramar and Puerto Rico Govern, to try to understand the way the administrators lived those not easy years. I've completed those documents with others from the opposite side, the USA one, made by the American representative on the island, the Consul, that gave a larger point of view of the period in exam. The view has been even wider thanks to external sources of the two states as the press ones. The press that played a big role, at least in the case of the war, second to none. The documents of military archives helped me to understand the differences on the playground battle. One more period of interest has been the one about the armistice and the days after, until the treaty of peace signed in Paris, when there was a sort of vacation imperii done because of the evacuation of the island by the Spaniards and the taken by the USA that leaded to a period of high criminality and violence never seen in Puerto Rico. Another topic period was the passage from a Military Government to a Civil one, thanks to the Organic Law called Foraker. That was the period when the usa colonialism begins to exteriorize more to make greatest effort for the Americanization of Puerto Rico. With that said, the question I've made to myself, which I've tried to answer, have been: How was the political, administrative and social life in Puerto Rico before the war under the Spanish rule? How has been the passage between the two powers and what immediately has done? How the USA governs acted in the early years of Civil Government and what they left as legacy? With that said, the genre of historiography which I agreed is the Portorican and American one (not having one italian), as leading historians Fernando Picò and Maria Dolores Luque de Sanchez. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Storia dell'Europa XIV-XX secolo (XXVIII ciclo)
Globalization is a huge topic and here we have chosen to describe only a few pieces of a complex mosaic. Its description has a historical perspective and ranges from economic to medical, from social to demographic issues. It aims to reconstruct a background picture that places demographics in the scenario of international relations. It is possible to distinguish some themes: 1. The population is aging and enriching itself. Convergence often collides with delayed demographic transition. 2. The economic weight and political power are shifting towards Asia. 3. The technological revolution affects almost all aspects of society. 4. The increase in energy consumption and new production models make it difficult to manage the scarcity of resources. 5. Interdependence between countries does not go hand in hand with strengthening global governance.
Local governments in European cities are modifying their urban governance models in order to alleviate the impacts of the neoliberal model that has prevailed for decades, and to achieve more sustainable and socially cohesive cities. Cities such as Pamplona (Spain) have become a reference point, both nationally and internationally, for their policies on implementing renewable energies and combating energy poverty. Regardless of the ruling party, a city model that is committed to energy transition prevails. In this article we will analyse the energy improvement project carried out in the social housing neighbourhood of Txantrea. To this end, an analysis of the technical documentation of the project was carried out to learn about the actions and processes that were developed, as well as semi-structured interviews with political actors and municipal technicians to learn about the model of government and the main lines of action. This also allowed us to learn about the strengths and weaknesses of the project. This work has revealed changes in the policies and projects of some cities that are committed to sustainability and improving the quality of life of citizens, where energy efficiency is becoming one of the commitments of local governments as a way to achieve their objectives, as well as to renew the built urban fabric. ; Local governments in European cities are modifying their urban governance models in order to alleviate the impacts of the neoliberal model that has prevailed for decades, and to achieve more sustainable and socially cohesive cities. Cities such as Pamplona (Spain) have become a reference point, both nationally and internationally, for their policies on implementing renewable energies and combating energy poverty. Regardless of the ruling party, a city model that is committed to energy transition prevails. In this article we will analyse the energy improvement project carried out in the social housing neighbourhood of Txantrea. To this end, an analysis of the technical documentation of the ...
The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the formation of a new geopolitical reality in the post-Soviet space with the emergence in 1991 of five new independent states in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and a complete transformation of their political and economic systems. The purpose of this study is the institutional and socio-economic evolution of the Central Asian region (CAR) and its states after Chapter I defines geographically the different possible boundaries of the Central Asian region, which over the centuries were part of different empires, kingdoms, and states, and the population of which historically de jure and de facto never had their independent national statehood until 1991. The study also focuses on the consequences of the policy of the ethnic and territorial division adopted in the Soviet era in Central Asia on the current political instability in the region. The chapter analyzes the features and results of the transformation of the Soviet political system into a Western democratic system in the CAR. Why did Central Asian countries abandon communism for democracy, then turn to authoritarian rule? This paper proposes a theoretical framework, which discusses the durability and sustainability of the super-presidential regimes in the region, and the key factors that have largely determined the failure of a democratic transition in all five post-Soviet Central Asian states. Special attention is given to the issues of political legitimacy of the current authoritarian regimes and the prospects of further democratic modernization. Chapter II is devoted to an analysis of the main features and results of the socio-economic transformation of the Soviet planned economy to a market economy in Central Asian states. The research area includes an analysis of the structural changes in the five Central Asian economies. State capitalism and critical dependence on external factors have become today the main common features of all these economies. In particular, the second chapter describes the restrictions imposed on the Central Asian commodity and labor exported economies and the protectionist policies adopted by national governments. Protectionist policies are aimed at reducing the economies' vulnerability to external shocks, which are due to the high sectorial and geographical concentration of exports, significant migrants' remittances and consistent inflows of foreign direct investments. The chapter discusses the issues of regional cooperation and integration and the perspectives of sustainable economic development in the states of Central Asia. Finally, this study highlights the emerging challenges associated with the intersection of the competitive multidirectional interests of the major world powers, which consistently expand and strengthen their control over the natural resources of the CAR. Through different economic instruments, such as providing loans and investments, or the formation of alternative macro-regional integration projects in Eurasia, they seek to achieve their ambitious strategic objectives in Central Asia.
Building upon a recent book by Yves Mény about people and populism, the article deals with the issue of the crisis of political representation and the parliamentary democracy. The paper highlights the transformations registered by political parties and their failure to respect the constitutional constraints of internal democracy. This transformation is linked to the challenges launched by the populist drift. The new differentiated forms and political directions raise the question of whether this challenge has not been promoting a transition to a policy without sovereignty, relating to the model of post-democracy. The most obvious limitation of such a process lies in replacing political representation with a mere representation of social demands and needs. This leaves thepolitical problem of their concrete government without a solution. ; Prendendo le mosse dalla lettura di un recente libro di Yves Mény sul popolo e sul populismo, il contributo affronta il tema della crisi della rappresentanza politica e con essa della democrazia parlamentare.In tale analisi si sottolineano le trasformazioni registrate dai partiti politici e il mancato rispetto da parte degli stessi dei vincoli costituzionali della democrazia interna. A tale trasformazione dei partiti si ricollega una sfida populista, che assume forme e indirizzi politici differenziati, e che fa sollevare l'interrogativo se tale sfida non stia promuovendo (da tempo) una transizione verso una politica senza sovranità, più appropriata al modello della post-democrazia. Il limite più evidente di un simile processo risiederebbe nel sostituire la rappresentanza politica con una mera rappresentazione delle domande e dei bisogni sociali, lasciando senza soluzione il problema politico del loro concreto governo.
La tesi è incentrata sull'analisi delle misure adottate dalle società durante un periodo di transizione politica a fronte delle violazioni dei diritti umani avvenute per mano di un regime dittatoriale o di un conflitto armato. L'analisi si concentra sullo studio dei modelli di giustizia di transizione nei casi di Sudafrica, Cile e Colombia. Infine, un'attenzione particolare viene rivolta all'applicazione della giustizia penale nei confronti dei responsabili delle violazioni e al conflitto tra le diverse esigenze della società. The thesis is centered on the the analysis of the measures taken by societies during a period of political transition to deal with human rights violations occured in the context of a dictatorship or an armed conflict. The analysis focuses on the study of transitional justice models in the cases of South Africa, Chile and Colombia. Finally, particular attention is paid to the application of criminal justice to those responsible for violations and to the conflict between the different needs of society.
The introduction articulates some of the conceptual questions that emerge in investigating women's political thought in early modernity, in Europe and beyond. Four aspects are particularly crucial: the nexus between politics and theology, in the light of the pervasiveness of religion in everyday life and women's intellectual elaboration; the relationship with political power, that women both criticize and legitimate; the challenge they pose to patriarchal authorities who claimed to hold the monopoly of the sacred; and women's entrance into the rising public sphere. Furthermore, the introduction shows the continuities and discontinuities between the Middle Ages and the early modern era with respect to women's political thought and suggests the necessity to rethink traditional periodizations which emphasize breaks more than the different faces of transition. ; L'introduzione articola alcuni nodi concettuali che affiorano nell'indagare il pensiero politico delle donne nella prima modernità, in Europa e non solo. In particolare, si pone l'accento su quattro aspetti principali: il nesso tra politica e teologia, alla luce della pervasività della religione nella vita quotidiana e nell'elaborazione intellettuale; il rapporto simultaneamente di critica e legittimazione del potere politico; la messa in questione delle autorità patriarcali che pretendono di detenere il monopolio del sacro; l'affacciarsi delle donne sulla sfera pubblica nella sua lunga genesi. Inoltre, l'introduzione mostra le continuità e le discontinuità tra medioevo e prima età moderna per quanto concerne il pensiero politico delle donne, suggerendo la necessità di ripensare la tradizionale periodizzazione più attenta alle cesure che alle diverse facce della transizione.
