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The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

The usage of the concept of "Baltic region" and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called "Pre- Baltic", from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of "Baltic". During Ist World War, the same historical and political situation of creating a country appeared in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland and Poland. For this reason, politicians of these countries fought in Western Europe for recognition and separation form their countries from Russian Empire. These countries planed to establish The Great Baltic League, which would have been a political and economical unity and would have protected the freedom of Baltic Sea: 1. Scandinavian: Denmark, Norway and Sweden; 2. Estraen Baltic: Finland, Estonia, Latvia; 3. Southern Baltic: Lithuania and Poland. It should by mentioned that such division of counties during this period identifies those days concept of "Baltic" because it was realised as a part of Russian Empire, which reached the Baltic Sea and as a result of Ist World War, freed from its yoke. Because of constant disagreements between Lithuania and Poland (the problem of Vilnius county) and agreement between Sweden and Finland (the problem of the Aland islands). The parliament of Finland ruined plans of Poland of becoming of the one who unites Baltic countries by denying this plan and idea of union.[.].

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.

After Lithuania was accepted to the NATO, considering that call-up to the army on the national level was relinquished, the primary goal of military capability transformation has become to fulfil commitments to the international partners. Lithuania's deterrence posture became depended on the NATO extended deterrence strategy. Lithuania, as the integrated part of the NATO collective defence system, during the stable security period did not see any threats, which could mean that collective defensive commitments of NATO partners would not be realized. The goal of this paper – to determine Lithuania's military deterrence doctrine transformation and the main causes of changes, during 2004 – 2019. When Lithuania became a member of NATO, additional expenditures to the national defence has not been planned. Insufficient military capabilities were covered by the participation in the international operations. This strategy has helped create an image of Lithuania as a reliable international partner. Close cooperation on the international level could be considered as the communication to the adversaries, that NATO members will follow their commitments, including Article 5. During 2004 – 2014 within Lithuania membership in NATO was considered as the reliable instrument in order to ensure military deterrence. Although, this strategy was formal, because there were any defence plans or actions planned in the NATO strategic documents in order to defend Baltic region. Military conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine was breaking point within Lithuania, changing security posture externally and internally. The Baltic states have started to demand concrete defence plans, which helped strengthen deterrence posture. After 2014, then the real war threat emerged, on the political level in Lithuania it was understood, that national security could be ensured not only through the NATO organization, but through additional actions and measures as well – Lithuania's military must be capable to react to the small conflicts, in Lithuania there must be deployed permanent NATO troops. Because of these changes, Lithuania's deterrence posture from the theoretical discussions became real strategy, which led to create concrete action plans. Additionally, military expenditures within Lithuania was increased, call-up on the national scale was renewed, two more brigades "Aukštaitija" and "Žemaitija" were created. In the region, NATO forefront military troops were deployed, military exercises started to happen periodically.

The links between national social economics trends and strategic statements of EU and Lithuanian political documents are analyzed in the master thesis work. In the first part of the work, the basics of the role of the State in economics are analyzed considering Lithuania to be a transitional economics. In second part of the master thesis work, the methodic of strategic economic planning is analyzed, the model of the research is constructed and the scenarios method is selected to do empirical research in the third part. In the third part, the results of long term economic strategy till 2015 are investigated and the real socio economic situation is evaluated. The strategic goals of Europa 2020 strategy are identified and its fitness to national socio economic trends is characterized. The logics and realism of set goals are evaluated considering hypothetical picture of Lithuania in 2020. In the fourth part of the master thesis work, the conclusion is drawn and recommendations for forward economic policy are suggested.

The links between national social economics trends and strategic statements of EU and Lithuanian political documents are analyzed in the master thesis work. In the first part of the work, the basics of the role of the State in economics are analyzed considering Lithuania to be a transitional economics. In second part of the master thesis work, the methodic of strategic economic planning is analyzed, the model of the research is constructed and the scenarios method is selected to do empirical research in the third part. In the third part, the results of long term economic strategy till 2015 are investigated and the real socio economic situation is evaluated. The strategic goals of Europa 2020 strategy are identified and its fitness to national socio economic trends is characterized. The logics and realism of set goals are evaluated considering hypothetical picture of Lithuania in 2020. In the fourth part of the master thesis work, the conclusion is drawn and recommendations for forward economic policy are suggested.

By using various works of media theoreticians, in the article there are analyzed processes and changes in the constructing of political spectacle (described by Murray Edelman) which appeared in media at the time of postsoviet transition. After disintegration of Soviet Union, new media systems developed in newly independent countries. Those systems are different from their welldescribed analogues in Western Europe or United States because of their individual circumstances. Post -soviet transitionhad three stages: breakthrough, reformation and stabilization, and different circumstances. Different circumstances during the process of those stages formed distinctive relations between media and government in various countries. During these processes two different media models emerged: free model and subordinated mode!. In countries with free model media was concentrated to the profit: quality and trust in media dropped and constructing of political spectacle be came less effective. In countries with subordinated model, power and influence served as a basis for the media; because of that media crisis became insignificant and forrning ofpolitical spectacle was formed to be more effective.

By using various works of media theoreticians, in the article there are analyzed processes and changes in the constructing of political spectacle (described by Murray Edelman) which appeared in media at the time of postsoviet transition. After disintegration of Soviet Union, new media systems developed in newly independent countries. Those systems are different from their welldescribed analogues in Western Europe or United States because of their individual circumstances. Post -soviet transitionhad three stages: breakthrough, reformation and stabilization, and different circumstances. Different circumstances during the process of those stages formed distinctive relations between media and government in various countries. During these processes two different media models emerged: free model and subordinated mode!. In countries with free model media was concentrated to the profit: quality and trust in media dropped and constructing of political spectacle be came less effective. In countries with subordinated model, power and influence served as a basis for the media; because of that media crisis became insignificant and forrning ofpolitical spectacle was formed to be more effective.

By using various works of media theoreticians, in the article there are analyzed processes and changes in the constructing of political spectacle (described by Murray Edelman) which appeared in media at the time of postsoviet transition. After disintegration of Soviet Union, new media systems developed in newly independent countries. Those systems are different from their welldescribed analogues in Western Europe or United States because of their individual circumstances. Post -soviet transitionhad three stages: breakthrough, reformation and stabilization, and different circumstances. Different circumstances during the process of those stages formed distinctive relations between media and government in various countries. During these processes two different media models emerged: free model and subordinated mode!. In countries with free model media was concentrated to the profit: quality and trust in media dropped and constructing of political spectacle be came less effective. In countries with subordinated model, power and influence served as a basis for the media; because of that media crisis became insignificant and forrning ofpolitical spectacle was formed to be more effective.

By using various works of media theoreticians, in the article there are analyzed processes and changes in the constructing of political spectacle (described by Murray Edelman) which appeared in media at the time of postsoviet transition. After disintegration of Soviet Union, new media systems developed in newly independent countries. Those systems are different from their welldescribed analogues in Western Europe or United States because of their individual circumstances. Post -soviet transitionhad three stages: breakthrough, reformation and stabilization, and different circumstances. Different circumstances during the process of those stages formed distinctive relations between media and government in various countries. During these processes two different media models emerged: free model and subordinated mode!. In countries with free model media was concentrated to the profit: quality and trust in media dropped and constructing of political spectacle be came less effective. In countries with subordinated model, power and influence served as a basis for the media; because of that media crisis became insignificant and forrning ofpolitical spectacle was formed to be more effective.

This paper presents the comparative analysis of the family policy of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Republic of Lithuania. It analyses such fields as the changes in the conception of family and family policy, discusses what changes the national economic and political framework underwent. Morcover, the paper determines what major demographic problems existed in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and what demographic problems are current in the Republic of Lithuania and, in addition, how value-related attitudes changed in respect of family. The analysis of the family policy itself covers other spheres, such as family assistance instruments (benefits, allowances, pensions, privileges for housing acquisition and occupational privileges, vacations), education of the young generation (sefeguarding the chlidren's rights, education at the pre-school establishments and schools), and overviews the changes in the family policy (regulation of marriage, divorse, property and personal relations betwee the parents and children or other close relatives).

This paper presents the comparative analysis of the family policy of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Republic of Lithuania. It analyses such fields as the changes in the conception of family and family policy, discusses what changes the national economic and political framework underwent. Morcover, the paper determines what major demographic problems existed in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic and what demographic problems are current in the Republic of Lithuania and, in addition, how value-related attitudes changed in respect of family. The analysis of the family policy itself covers other spheres, such as family assistance instruments (benefits, allowances, pensions, privileges for housing acquisition and occupational privileges, vacations), education of the young generation (sefeguarding the chlidren's rights, education at the pre-school establishments and schools), and overviews the changes in the family policy (regulation of marriage, divorse, property and personal relations betwee the parents and children or other close relatives).