Suchergebnisse

Argentina has been going through the transition to democracy since 1912, when universal suffrage was introduced, for men. A significant portion of the political process takes place in the form of competition between corporatist structures rather than through political parties, with the military convinced that they have an historical right to intervene whenever they deem necessary a clean-up of the civilian or democratic mess

Popular uprising against authoritarian regimes is not enough to allow transition towards democracy to begin. The military has the final word on whether such an uprising will be successful or the uprising will be repressed in order to preserve the incumbent dictatorship. The military supported the uprising in Tunisia while it sided with the regime and repressed the uprising in Syria. In Egypt did the military refrain from supporting the regime and took over power themselves. Why did the military act so differently in the three cases? The article propose a theoretical explanation which combines variables influencing whether the military has the potential to support a popular uprising or not; and if there is a political situation, which allows for this potential to be exploited. The model of explanation is then tested against the cases of Tunisia, Egypt and Syria during The Arab Spring. Adapted from the source document.

Hans Nielsen Hauge established and led at the end of the 18th century Norway's first nationwide popular movement, a low church network that would leave its mark on everyday life, business development and politics in the transition from absolute monarchy to representational government. People called themselves Haugians long after Hauge's death in 1824. It was a spiritual awakening on a scale that deserves considerable room when we write the history of modern Norway.

This book provides a new perspective on the roots of the Hauge movement in the religious mentality of the 18th century, on how it functioned in its most radical phase up to 1814, and on the importance of the network for economic modernization and political mobilization in the subsequent decades. Retrospective interpretations of Hauge's complex endeavor are also explored. In sum, the nine chapters provide a broader understanding of the Hauge movement and the era in which it flourished. We hope that the book also sheds light on the state of Norway's people, government and religiosity today, over 250 years after Hauge's birth.

The book has been edited by research fellow Eli Morken Farstad and associate professor Kristian Holen Nymark, both historians at the University of South-Eastern Norway. - Hans Nielsen Hauge startet Norges første landsomfattende folkebevegelse på slutten av 1700-tallet. Det lavkirkelige nettverket satte sitt preg på hverdagsliv, næringsutvikling og politikk i overgangen fra enevelde til folkestyre. Folk kalte seg haugianere lenge etter Hauges død i 1824. En slik vekkelse må få stor plass når vi skriver historien om det moderne Norge.

Denne boka gir nye perspektiv på Hauge-bevegelsens røtter i 1700-tallets religiøse mentalitet, på hvordan vekkelsen virket i sin mest radikale fase fram mot 1814, og på nettverkets betydning for økonomisk modernisering og politisk mobilisering framover i hundreåret. Ettertidens fortolkning av Hauges mangslungne virksomhet blir også lagt under lupen. I sum gir de ni kapitlene en bredere forståelse av Hauge-bevegelsen og tiden den virket i. Vi håper at boka også kan kaste lys over folk, stat og religiøsitet i dag, over 250 år etter Hauges fødsel.

Boka er redigert av stipendiat Eli Morken Farstad og førsteamanuensis Kristian Holen Nymark, begge historikere ved Universitetet i Sørøst-Norge.