Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of contributors -- Prologue: Neoliberalism or neoliberalisms? Ideology, governmentality and real-world "experiments" -- Part One Neoliberal policies -- Section 1 Sub-Saharan Africa -- 1 The structural adjustment programme and a new political order -- 2 The neoliberal narrative of growth in Africa: The Afro-optimistic discourse -- 3 Neoliberal programmes in Africa south of the Sahara: Gender-blindness and development "laundering" -- Section 2 Latin America -- 4 Globalization as a "simulation" of development: Beyond the Washington Consensus in Latin America -- 5 The new imperialism beyond conquest: Free markets, democracy and social protest -- 6 Deterritorialization of the local: The role of gender in the case of the state of Puebla (Mexico) -- Section 3 Europe -- 7 Tales of passage from the North to the South and back: Constitutionalizing (European) neoliberalism -- 8 The euro system as a laboratory for neoliberalism and colonialism -- 9 A decade of austerity politics and neoliberal reform: Overview of the Greek financial crisis (2010-2020) -- Part Two Post-development, alternatives to development and transitions -- 10 Moving from postcolonial critiques of development towards alternatives to development in Africa -- 11 At the Razor's edge of democracy: Authoritarian capitalism and decolonial international feminisms -- 12 Europe and the economic "lessons" of COVID-19: Ecofeminism and development alternatives -- Epilogue -- Index.

How do high wage countries stay rich in a global digital economy? How Revolutionary was the Digital Revolution constructs a framework for analyzing the international digital era: one that examines the ability of political actors to innovate and experiment in spite of, or perhaps because of, the constraints posed by digital technology. In order to assess the revolutionary nature of the digital era, this book takes four overlapping approaches. First, it examines the reaction of nations, specifically Finland, Japan, and emerging markets, to the dual challenges of globalization and technological change. This section identifies both successful and failed national experiments intended to deal with these dual pressures. Second, it assesses corporate attempts to leverage digital technology to reorganize work. A broad range of issues including off-shoring, open source production systems, and knowledge management are addressed. Third, devoting detailed analysis to the case of mobile telephones, the book offers insights into the political economy of market evolution in the digital era. The final section considers the political ramifications of information technology for critical societal debates ranging from privacy to intellectual property. The contributors to the book map out how the digital revolution shakes up politics, creating new economic and political winners and losers. In order to do so, they connect theories of political economy to the implications of digital technology for international as well as national markets.

The role of the national and foreign press in the news coverage of the Spanish transition to democracy (1975-1978) has been a constant reference in the historical study of the period of political change after the end of the Francoist dictatorship. In this article we present the general results of three research projects concerning the role of the foreign press, of the Spanish daily press and the magazine marketin which we can observe both convergence and discrepance in the news narrative, editorial behaviour and political standpoints. The greater independence and informative freedom of the foreign press contrasts with the proximity of the Spanish press to both King and government with the exception of the critical support to reform expressed in both the new political magazines and newspapers during the first few months of the process of political change. ; El papel de la prensa nacional y extranjera en la cobertura informativa de la Transición española a la democracia (1975-1978) ha sido una referencia constante en la historiografía del período de cambio político en España tras el final de la dictadura de Franco, así como en la cultura periodística. En este artículo presentamos los resultados generales de tres proyectos de investigación sobre el papel de la prensa extranjera, de la prensa diaria española y de la prensa no diaria enlos que se pueden comprobar convergencias y discrepancias en el relato informativo, las valoraciones editoriales y los posicionamientos políticos. La mayor independencia y libertad informativa de la prensa extranjera contrasta con la proximidad de la prensa española al rey y al gobierno, con la excepción del apoyo crítico a la reforma de las nuevas revistas políticas y los diarios surgidos en los primeros meses del proceso de cambio político.

The land use changes in forested landscape are highly complex and dynamic, affected by the natural, socio-economic, cultural, political and other factors. The remote sensing (RS) and geographical information system (GIS) techniques coupled with multi-criteria evaluation functions such as Markov-cellular automata (CA–Markov) model helps in analysing intensity, extent and future forecasting of human activities affecting the terrestrial biosphere. Karwar taluk of Central Western Ghats in Karnataka state, India has seen rapid transitions in its forest cover due to various anthropogenic activities, primarily driven by major industrial activities. A study based on Landsat and IRS derived data along with CA–Markov method has helped in characterizing the patterns and trends of land use changes over a period of 2004–2013, expected transitions was predicted for a set of scenarios through 2013-2022. The analysis reveals the loss of pristine forest cover from 75.51% to 67.36% (1973 to 2013) and increase in agriculture land as well as built-up area of 8.65% (2013), causing impact on local flora and fauna. The other factors driving these changes are the aggregated level of demand for land, local and regional effects of land use activities such as deforestation, improper practices in expansion of agriculture and infrastructure development, deteriorating natural resources availability. The spatio temporal models helped in visualizing on-going changes apart from prediction of likely changes. The CA-Markov based analysis provides us insights into the localized changes impacting these regions and can be useful in developing appropriate mitigation management approaches based on the modelled future impacts. This necessitates immediate measures for minimizing the future impacts.

The land use changes in forested landscape are highly complex and dynamic, affected by the natural, socio-economic, cultural, political and other factors. The remote sensing (RS) and geographical information system (GIS) techniques coupled with multi-criteria evaluation functions such as Markov-cellular automata (CA–Markov) model helps in analysing intensity, extent and future forecasting of human activities affecting the terrestrial biosphere. Karwar taluk of Central Western Ghats in Karnataka state, India has seen rapid transitions in its forest cover due to various anthropogenic activities, primarily driven by major industrial activities. A study based on Landsat and IRS derived data along with CA–Markov method has helped in characterizing the patterns and trends of land use changes over a period of 2004–2013, expected transitions was predicted for a set of scenarios through 2013-2022. The analysis reveals the loss of pristine forest cover from 75.51% to 67.36% (1973 to 2013) and increase in agriculture land as well as built-up area of 8.65% (2013), causing impact on local flora and fauna. The other factors driving these changes are the aggregated level of demand for land, local and regional effects of land use activities such as deforestation, improper practices in expansion of agriculture and infrastructure development, deteriorating natural resources availability. The spatio temporal models helped in visualizing on-going changes apart from prediction of likely changes. The CA-Markov based analysis provides us insights into the localized changes impacting these regions and can be useful in developing appropriate mitigation management approaches based on the modelled future impacts. This necessitates immediate measures for minimizing the future impacts.

Abstract
In the twenties of the last century the process of building a new type of philosophical culture began, based on the sensitivity towards another person, the recognition of values and dignity of the person and the search for platforms of dialogue and compromise between people. However, it did not gain a broad social resonance. The 20th Century became the scene of the triumph of totalitarianisms, based on the idea of collectivism and marked by the contempt towards the individual, his rights and needs. In the post-war reality environments favouring the humanization of the culture of coexistence earned a voice, but they too did not manage to divert the tendency towards building a bureaucratic and technocratic order. In this kind of system, the person feels reduced to his instrumental functions, and the dialogue submerged in the world of humanistic values becomes a distant and unequalled dream. This text undertakes the problem of the conditions which must be met in order for the tendency towards dialogue and mutual respect to prevail over the hostile, confrontational approach, which characterizes many contemporary social environments. The author suggests that we refer to the analogy with the thermodynamics phenomenon, phase transition, and consider the notion of spiritual energy (the analogue of the physical term enthalpy) as an agent regulating the internal disposition of the individual to "freeze" or "thaw" relations with his fellow human beings. The key thesis is that the most important source of energy indispensable to move from confrontation to dialogue lies in the resources of religious experience- the openness to the grace flowing from the transcendental reality, and the guides on the path to discovering this source are the witnesses of faith- among them the spiritual heirs of Chiara Lubich's charism.

Introduction : democracy 2.0, old and new media, and the quest for engaged participation / Michael Hoechsmann, Paul R. Carr and Gina Thesee -- Technocracy, education, and the global imperative / Peter Pericles Trifonas -- Voluntary subservience and capitalist religion in the era of reality television politics / William M. Reynolds -- The development of democratic citizenship within the context of education for Latin American unification : media literacy 2.0, from classroom praxis to critical engagement / Raul Olmo Fregoso Bailon and Felipe de Jesus Alatorre Rodriguez -- Digital citizens, not just consumers : defining digital citizenship for democracy / Megan Ryland -- Engagement with the mainstream media and the relationship to political literacy the influence of hegemonic education on democracy / Paul R. Carr, Gary W. J. Pluim and Lauren Howard -- Embodiment as discourse in indigenous photography : narrative as multiplicitous reality / Kalli Paakspuu -- The role of social media in Africa's democratic transitions : lessons from Burundi / Anne Munene and Ibrahim Magara -- Critical pedagogy through participatory video : possibilities for post-colonial higher education in the Caribbean / Lynette Sampson -- Community-driven media in Australia : the public pedagogy of Australian indigenous activism / Renee Desmarchelier, Jon Austin and Cally Jetta -- The battle for free universal education in Chile : the use of Youtube in the student protests of 2011 / Salome Sola-Morales -- The #ocupaescola ("#occupyschool") movement : counter-hegemonic media and new ways to fight for education / Ivan Bomfim -- "Democracy! not just for locals but for us too!" : exploring multiethnic young people's calls for social change in Hong Kong through cellphilms / Casey Burkholder -- Afterword : danger ahead ready yourself and join the struggle / Peter McLaren

By the middle of 2012, the optimism and exaltation of the first few months of the Arab uprisings had unsurprisingly given way to a more sombre mood as the daunting realities of political transition became clear. While the grievances that led to popular revolts were in many cases shared across nations, the subsequent trajectories followed by each country proved increasingly distinct and singular. Adapted from the source document.

From the outset, independent Algeria's political economy was marked by a paradox, for which it is still, today, paying the price. In 1962, the State, which is essentially public, was privatised, while commercial activities, which are essentially private, were made public. That was the time when revolutionary elites in the Third World thought that faith alone was enough to develop the country, using the State but without setting up the institutions guaranteeing free expression for the social groups organised as parties, trade unions, vested interests in order to participate in the political process. In the Boumedienne-Abdeslam period (1965-1978), the economic sector of the State was expected to absorb all commercial activities, from the large-scale steel industry down to the small local bakery, preventing the different social groups from enjoying any economic autonomy. Nor were they expected to make any claims on the political order. The State had set itself the task of satisfying all social needs through the so-called public sector whose vocation was not to make any profits, but to serve the public and, as a priority, the most destitute among the population.
Cet article traite des réformes économiques en Algérie, à l'ordre du jour depuis les années 1980, non encore réalisées malgré les discours des gouvernements successifs. Visant formellement à opérer la transition de l'économie administrée vers l'économie de marché, ces réformes se heurtent à la nature autoritaire du régime dans lequel des clans puissants utilisent les institutions de l'Etat pour s'enrichir. Ils s'opposent à la concurrence et à la mise en place d'un capitalisme manufacturier productif, préférant la spéculation et le commerce comme seuls modes d'accumulation.
Par ailleurs, l'Etat refuse toujours de se débarrasser du secteur économique public déficitaire, craignant de faire exploser les chiffres déjà élevés du chômage. Il préfère continuer à financer les déficits des entreprises sous sa tutelle et à distribuer des salaires vidés de leur pouvoir d'achat par des dévaluations massives, tout en interdisant la liberté syndicale pour empêcher les travailleurs de s'opposer aux effets de ces dévaluations.
L'embellie financière, suite à l'augmentation spectaculaire des prix mondiaux des hydrocarbures à partir de 1999, n'est pas mise à profit pour augmenter les capacités productives du marché national. Un programme de reconstruction a été lancé, certes nécessaire, mais rien n'a été prévu pour encourager la production. Au lieu d'exploiter les formidables ressources financières pour modifier le caractère rentier de l'économie, le gouvernement a opté pour une politique distributive qui allège momentanément les effets du chômage et qui permet à une couche privilégiée de s'approprier une part importante de la rente énergétique.

Der Aufsatz untersucht die sozio-politischen Veränderungen in Chile nach dem Abtritt Pinochets im Jahr 1990. Zunächst erfolgt ein kurzer Abriss über die Periode autoritärer Veränderungen zwischen 1973 und 1989, in der viele institutionelle und strukturelle Grundpfeiler gelegt wurden, die als Basis für spätere Entwicklungen dienten. Danach werden die Regierungen der "Concertacion de Partidos por la Democracia" von Aylwin und Frei zwischen 1990 und 1997 näher beleuchtet. (DSE/DÜI)

Based on a multidisciplinary approach and favoring the relation between historic and literary studies, this work is presented in three sections, each addressing the main topic: the dissident discourse of the writer José Bergamín in the Spanish Transition, from different angles. The first section approaches the subject based on issues related to the historical memory movement in Spain along with a new understanding of the Spanish Transition to democracy. Against this background, Bergamín's dissident voice takes on a whole new meaning that calls into question the marginalization of this outstanding 20th century Spanish intellectual. The second part presents a thematic analysis of Bergamín's journalistic articles for Sábado Gráfico, the main source of reference for this research. Through this magazine Bergamín was able to freely express his opinions until censorship brought about his dismissal. The third part offers a political and chronological account of Bergamín's discourse throughout the previously mentioned articles and portrays a testimony of dissent with the Spanish Transition, based on his opposition to monarchy and his struggle for the republic as an alternative. This research confirms the validity of the key hypothesis raised, namely that Bergamín was the spokesman of the «España peregrina», firmly rooted in a republican faith nurtured by historical memory and experience, opposed to the spirit of reconciliation and accord that guided the Transition and endorsed the present parliamentary monarchy, the original legitimacy of which he never stopped questioning. ; Partiendo de una apertura multidisciplinar y privilegiando la relación de los estudios históricos y literarios, se presenta el conjunto de este trabajo en tres partes que corresponden a acercamientos diferentes del tema, centrado en el discurso disidente del escritor José Bergamín en la Transición. La primera parte plantea un acercamiento al tema a partir de cuestiones relacionadas con el movimiento por la memoria en la España actual y con ...

Based on a multidisciplinary approach and favoring the relation between historic and literary studies, this work is presented in three sections, each addressing the main topic: the dissident discourse of the writer José Bergamín in the Spanish Transition, from different angles. The first section approaches the subject based on issues related to the historical memory movement in Spain along with a new understanding of the Spanish Transition to democracy. Against this background, Bergamín's dissident voice takes on a whole new meaning that calls into question the marginalization of this outstanding 20th century Spanish intellectual. The second part presents a thematic analysis of Bergamín's journalistic articles for Sábado Gráfico, the main source of reference for this research. Through this magazine Bergamín was able to freely express his opinions until censorship brought about his dismissal. The third part offers a political and chronological account of Bergamín's discourse throughout the previously mentioned articles and portrays a testimony of dissent with the Spanish Transition, based on his opposition to monarchy and his struggle for the republic as an alternative. This research confirms the validity of the key hypothesis raised, namely that Bergamín was the spokesman of the «España peregrina», firmly rooted in a republican faith nurtured by historical memory and experience, opposed to the spirit of reconciliation and accord that guided the Transition and endorsed the present parliamentary monarchy, the original legitimacy of which he never stopped questioning. ; Partiendo de una apertura multidisciplinar y privilegiando la relación de los estudios históricos y literarios, se presenta el conjunto de este trabajo en tres partes que corresponden a acercamientos diferentes del tema, centrado en el discurso disidente del escritor José Bergamín en la Transición. La primera parte plantea un acercamiento al tema a partir de cuestiones relacionadas con el movimiento por la memoria en la España actual y con ...

In recent years there has been a steady growth of "multi-bilateral aid," or voluntary earmarked contributions transferred by international donors through multilateral organizations. The World Bank Group's financial intermediary funds (FIFs) and trust funds have gained an especially wide recognition and have been particularly instrumental in channelling aid to fragile states — a priority group of partners for achieving the United Nations' sustainable development goals. But researchers have paid much less attention to FIFs than to trust funds.This article identifies characteristic features of World Bank IFIs as a multilateral mechanism to channel aid to politically unstable regions, focusing on the Middle East and North Africa Transition Fund (MENA TF) established in 2012 to support Arab countries undergoing political transitions as a result of the Arab Awakening. The introductory section examines the particularities, benefits and risks of establishing FIFs as multilateral mechanisms to transfer development assistance. These parameters are illustrated in subsequent sections which discuss the MENA TF's establishment procedures, governance structure, and mobilization and allocation of funds.The article concludes that for each of the parties involved, hypothetically, World Bank FIFs are a quite convenient mechanism for supporting fragile states. However, the example of the MENA TF conclusively shows that everything depends on the concrete political context of their establishment and operation. In terms of some key parameters (establishment procedure, governance structure) the MENA TF mechanism is very similar to other funds of the same type, but its operation is strongly affected by challenges uncommon to the majority of FIFs, which are focused on more politically neutral sectors. These challenges stem from several factors, including the predominance of political decisions within the Deauville Partnership, a unique list of contributors, and a severity of discord among them given the drastic deterioration of the political climate in the Arab world and beyond in 2014. This not only disrupted plans to engage more donors and mobilize the planned amount of funds, but it also stipulated a visible politicization of aid allocation. Political risks which materialized in the MENA TF operations might occur in other FIFs focused on fragile states and situations. The establishment of additional multilateral mechanisms, thus, requires learning from experience and prioritizing risk assessment and mitigation.