Suchergebnisse

A review of the literature indicates that only a minority of youth shift to a more extreme (leftist or rightist) political position because of their experience with unemployment. Rather, unemployment deepens the political apathy of youth because it serves to isolate youth. The learned-helplessness experience of unemployment also contributes to their political apathy. Analysis of 1985 survey data from 536 employed & 220 unemployed youth regarding their political, socioeconomic, & religious attitudes, & their voting behavior, reveals that the unemployed described themselves as "center left," & were more radical on socioeconomic issues & favored a more leftist vote than the employed. The unemployed were also more skeptical about religion & more permissive in sexual ethics. 3 Tables. Modified HA

From 1980 to 1982 there were many conflicts between the youth movement & the authorities in Zurich, Switzerland. A study by H. Kriesi (Die Zuricher Bewegung. Bilder, Interaktionen, Zusammenhange [The Zurich Movement: Representations, Interactions, Correlations], Campus Verlag: Frankfurt am Main, 1984) revealed three different social images held by authorities, members of the youth movement, & others concerned. Here, a replication of this study is described in which Q-sort data were collected in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, where there is a youth movement of squatters, & the social situation is comparable to that of Zurich in some respects. Rs, who included squatters, local authorities, & others, were found to hold the same social images as found in Zurich, although squatters in Amsterdam do not seem to isolate themselves as much as in Zurich, & the authorities seem to tolerate more. A subsequent exploratory factor analysis of the Q-sort data supports the findings. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 7 References. Modified HA

De moord op Theo van Gogh zorgde voor een schokgolf in Nederland. Radicale moslims bleken ook in Nederlandse steden aanwezig te zijn. Wie zijn deze jongeren? Hoe en waarom worden zij radicaal? Onderzoekers die antwoorden proberen te vinden op vragen over radicalisering noemen diverse factoren op internationaal, sociaaleconomisch en sociaalpsychologisch niveau. Amy-Jane Gielen richt haar aandacht op een aspect dat onderbelicht blijft: de zoektocht naar identiteit. Daarbij kijkt zij niet alleen naar radicale moslimjongeren, maar tevens naar een groep die veel minder aandacht krijgt: rechts-radic

A discussion of the development of political protest in the Netherlands based on: (1) a study conducted by S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, et al in 1974 (Political Action. Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies, Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979); (2) a 1979 replication conducted by J. J. A. Thomassen et al (De verstomde revolutie. Politieke opvattingen en gedragingen van Nederlandse burgers na de jaren zestig [The Speechless Revolution. Political Opinions and Behavior of Dutch Citizens after the Sixties], Samson: Alphen a.d. Rijn, 1983); & (3) a 1985 replication survey conducted by the department of political science of the U of Amsterdam. Analysis indicates that the protest potential in the Netherlands has diminished, but that participation has increased; while youth in the 1960s had relatively high protest potential & protest participation, youth of the 1980s appear to be even more active. The questionnaire also examined willingness to demonstrate for (or against) issues classified as socialist, new (immaterialist), or traditional. Although a distinction was expected, the willingness to demonstrate for the socialist & new issues was relatively high, & there were no clear boundaries between the supporters of these groups. It is concluded that much remains to be learned about the manner in which a potential for certain actions develops & is mobilized. 11 Tables, 1 Appendix, 31 References. Modified AA

Data are presented on 3 groups of factors in the pol'al recruitment of Dutch members of Parliament sitting in the Spr of 1968: (a) pol'al orientation & activity of fathers & other members of the representative's fam; (b) the development of soc & pol'al interests during the member's younger yrs; & (c) the cursus honorum through which members moved before nomination to Parliament. Within each of these groups the following tables are presented: (1) Fam milieu: degree of interest & pol'al activity of fathers & mothers of members; fam relationship between soc stratification & pol'al activity of father & other fam relations; degree of pol'al heredity in pol'al choice; the relation between pol'al identification & pol'al activity in parental circles & crossing of traditional party lines by members; diff's between the parties in pol'al activity of members' fam's. (2) Activities during youth: province & type of community in which members grew up; members' assessments of factors which influenced their pol'al choice; activity in various types of youth assoc's; extent of membership in certain traditional student fraternities & other student assoc's; party vote at first election in which member participated; age at which they began to show interest in pol'al office. (3) Cursus Honorum: membership of party executives at central & local level; membership of lower representative bodies; experience in other pol'al roles; factors in nomination; assessment of importance of certain desirable qualities in a member of Parliament. Certain diff's between Upper & Lower House, & between the major Dutch parties are summarized. These diff's can be partly attributed to diff's in the instit'al arrangement of the 2 Houses (eg, diff's in size, in nomination & election procedures, in demand on members' time, in party composition), & partly to historical & org'al diff's between the Dutch parties. IPSA.