Suchergebnisse

Following their furtive emergence in the 1960ies, children and youth town councils have develloped in France mostly since the 1980ies. This phenomenon has been studied from the sociological point of view, referring to Pierre BOURDIEU's systematic theory of the habitus and the field. Through the analysis of the representations and the characteristics of 75 agents issuing from the local political field, to put in place youth councils is demonstrated as being political strategies and are, therefore, submitted to some determinisms depending on their reference space. The representations of the agents about youth councils relate to antagonistic models homologically connected to their political adherences. They are also determined by their age and their relationship with children and youth in their family, professional and association life. The social meaning of the political recourse to youth is to be related to the crisis of politics which is perceptible through the increasing abstentionism, the distrust of people towards politicians, and the rise of the Front National. Thus the establishment of youth councils appears as a search, by the local representatives, for an increase in their representativity and for a reinforcement of the established political order and of the democratic values from which their legitimity derives. Children and youth, owing to their political innocence, may avoid criticism to the representatives who set them up and may incarnate political commitment in its noblest form. This strategy is all the more efficient as it denies its political stake. Under the cover of teaching citizenship, youth councils realise a sensibilisation to the elementary rules of political game and to their acceptation. The promoters of youth councils only duplicate existing forms of democracy although they sometimes think they invent new forms. ; Après une apparition furtive dans les années 60, les conseils municipaux d'enfants et de jeunes se sont principalement développés depuis les années 80 en France. Le phénomène a ...

In spite of their unfavourable position in the hierarchies of power, young people play a major role in the processes of social political change, which occur in the Burkina Faso society. Hence, this social group seems to be a good instrument to efficiently analyse policy, and moreover the processes of contestation and domination at work in Burkina Faso. Indeed, young people develop numerous strategies carried out in public places, which to varying degrees and terms constitute forms of contestation against the political order. Thus by relying on three categories of youth (unionised students, street youth, and young rappers or followers of the hip-hop movement), we sought to examine in a diachronic perspective, the nature of relationships of dominance at work in the Burkina Faso society. We find that the limited impact of these forms of contestations against the established order can be largely explained by the hegemonic context in which they arise. Therefore, in our mind, the characteristic domination of the current political order are based on "the strategies of mediation" and "neo-patrimonial cooptation", which diffuse tensions and regulate conflicts, according to very precise procedures, with the aim to preserve the consensual image of the political culture. In our opinion, these two dimensions constitute the pillars of a "political culture", which spreads out from a multitude of social spaces and creates a permanent, mediatised exchange between rulers and those who are ruled. ; Malgré leur position défavorable dans les hiérarchies du pouvoir, les jeunes jouent un rôle majeur dans les processus de changement sociopolitique qui ont cours dans la société burkinabè. Ce groupe social semble alors constituer un outil efficace d'analyse du politique et, plus précisément, des rapports de contestation et de domination qui sont à l'oeuvre au Burkina Faso. En effet, les jeunes développent de multiples stratégies d'inscription dans l'espace public qui constituent, à des degrés et selon des modalités différentes, des ...

In spite of their unfavourable position in the hierarchies of power, young people play a major role in the processes of social political change, which occur in the Burkina Faso society. Hence, this social group seems to be a good instrument to efficiently analyse policy, and moreover the processes of contestation and domination at work in Burkina Faso. Indeed, young people develop numerous strategies carried out in public places, which to varying degrees and terms constitute forms of contestation against the political order. Thus by relying on three categories of youth (unionised students, street youth, and young rappers or followers of the hip-hop movement), we sought to examine in a diachronic perspective, the nature of relationships of dominance at work in the Burkina Faso society. We find that the limited impact of these forms of contestations against the established order can be largely explained by the hegemonic context in which they arise. Therefore, in our mind, the characteristic domination of the current political order are based on "the strategies of mediation" and "neo-patrimonial cooptation", which diffuse tensions and regulate conflicts, according to very precise procedures, with the aim to preserve the consensual image of the political culture. In our opinion, these two dimensions constitute the pillars of a "political culture", which spreads out from a multitude of social spaces and creates a permanent, mediatised exchange between rulers and those who are ruled. ; Malgré leur position défavorable dans les hiérarchies du pouvoir, les jeunes jouent un rôle majeur dans les processus de changement sociopolitique qui ont cours dans la société burkinabè. Ce groupe social semble alors constituer un outil efficace d'analyse du politique et, plus précisément, des rapports de contestation et de domination qui sont à l'oeuvre au Burkina Faso. En effet, les jeunes développent de multiples stratégies d'inscription dans l'espace public qui constituent, à des degrés et selon des modalités différentes, des ...

In spite of their unfavourable position in the hierarchies of power, young people play a major role in the processes of social political change, which occur in the Burkina Faso society. Hence, this social group seems to be a good instrument to efficiently analyse policy, and moreover the processes of contestation and domination at work in Burkina Faso. Indeed, young people develop numerous strategies carried out in public places, which to varying degrees and terms constitute forms of contestation against the political order. Thus by relying on three categories of youth (unionised students, street youth, and young rappers or followers of the hip-hop movement), we sought to examine in a diachronic perspective, the nature of relationships of dominance at work in the Burkina Faso society. We find that the limited impact of these forms of contestations against the established order can be largely explained by the hegemonic context in which they arise. Therefore, in our mind, the characteristic domination of the current political order are based on "the strategies of mediation" and "neo-patrimonial cooptation", which diffuse tensions and regulate conflicts, according to very precise procedures, with the aim to preserve the consensual image of the political culture. In our opinion, these two dimensions constitute the pillars of a "political culture", which spreads out from a multitude of social spaces and creates a permanent, mediatised exchange between rulers and those who are ruled. ; Malgré leur position défavorable dans les hiérarchies du pouvoir, les jeunes jouent un rôle majeur dans les processus de changement sociopolitique qui ont cours dans la société burkinabè. Ce groupe social semble alors constituer un outil efficace d'analyse du politique et, plus précisément, des rapports de contestation et de domination qui sont à l'oeuvre au Burkina Faso. En effet, les jeunes développent de multiples stratégies d'inscription dans l'espace public qui constituent, à des degrés et selon des modalités différentes, des ...

Because people do not join political parties in a social vacuum but rather in close relation with their peers, this paper explores how the structure and composition of interpersonal, social networks affect youth party membership, and questions the answer's implications for recruitment. The structure does not affect statistically the young citizens' probability of becoming party members, as the process depends to a high degree on their proximate network core, e.g. their relatives, pointing towards a certain exclusivity in recruitment patterns and giving insight also on why they might stay away from conventional politics. A homogeneous composition matching with a high social and political profile is a pattern that has a considerable impact on their odds of joining a party, stressing that social networks can work in reproducing social and political inequalities, confining recruitment targets to the national population's most "usual suspects", and thereby explaining some difficulties faced by party organisations. Drawing on these findings, the conclusion discusses strategic considerations for Belgian parties. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

The School of Library Economics and Information Sciences (EBSI) of the University of Montreal organised its first study trip from 20 May to 5 June 2011. In the programme: library architecture in France, new ways of managing and organising services, digital mediation and open source software such as SGBD. A large programme, which has allowed students to discover new ways of doing their work, but also to discover the hills. ; L'École de bibliothéconomie et des sciences de l'information (EBSI) de l'université de Montréal a organisé son premier voyage d'études, du 20 mai au 5 juin 2011. Au programme : l'architecture des bibliothèques en France, les nouveaux modes de gestion et d'organisation des services, la médiation numérique et le logiciel libre comme SGBD. Vaste programme, qui a permis aux étudiantes et étudiants de découvrir de nouvelles façons de faire sur le plan professionnel, mais aussi, de découvrir les beaut …

This research presents a comparative study of aspects of social action and forms of expression within the religious field within Brazil and France. The study focuses on the activities of Youth With a Mission (YWAM), an evangelical charismatic missionary organisation founded in the United States by Loren Cunningham in 1960 and now present in both France and Brazil. Through interviews and comparative observations of the interpersonal dynamics and parachurch proselytizing actions of the missionaries, the aim of the study is to understand the relative impact of the country contexts on the proselytizing strategies of the organisation within its social work. We also analyse the role of the YWAM as social actors and state partners in the social sector, comparing the differing country context of secularism and the welfare state. In this analysis, we consider the issue of public-private collaboration produced by the convergence between YWAM's actions and the distinct legal-administrative contexts in Brazil and France. How do these convergences create innovative forms of social interactions, in terms of religion, social action, and communication? Beyond the socio-political domain, this thesis aims to study the immersion of youths within religious institutions as faith professionals by leaving an ordinary life for a religious commitment. The research analyses who these youths are, and how their family backgrounds and personal trajectories have motivated them to adopt this mode of life. ; Dans cette étude nous proposons un parallèle entre le Brésil et la France, avec un focus sur les différences et ressemblances des enjeux au sein des deux sociétés, en ce qui concerne l'action sociale et ses formes d'expression dans le champ religieux. Cette question sera illustrée par l'étude des activités développées au sein de l'organisation missionnaire de tendance évangélique charismatique Youth With a Mission (YWAM), crée en 1960 par Loren Cunningham aux États-Unis et implantée dans les deux pays. Au travers d'un ensemble d'entretiens et d'une enquête comparative observant les dynamiques personnelles des missionnaires et les actions prosélytes parachurch, l'objectif est de comprendre la situation dans laquelle ces pays se trouvent aujourd'hui en fonction des stratégies prosélytistes intégrées au travail social. Nous nous sommes concentré sur l'analyse du rôle des acteurs évangéliques de YWAM, en tant qu'acteurs associatifs et partenaires dans le domaine de l'action sociale au sein d'États dans lesquels l'État Providence et la conception de la laïcité différent. Nous démontrerons que le choix de la politique sociale appliquée et les éléments qui ressortent de ce système sur les résultats pratiques du cadre de vie des populations des deux pays jouent un rôle sur la manière dont s'exprime la religion et se comportent ses membres, comme dans les moyens d'évangélisation et d'entraide. Dans cette dynamique, nous verrons les implications des actions menées par l'organisation, les effets produits par une « collaboration » entre le religieux et la sphère sociale, et sa rencontre avec la logique des dispositifs juridico-administratifs français et brésilien. Nous explorerons quelques pistes sur les nouvelles formes de sociabilité qui se sont présentées en termes religieux, de manières d'agir et de communiquer. Au-delà du domaine socio-politique, la thèse s'intéresse aussi à la compréhension de l'insertion des jeunes dans les institutions religieuses en tant que professionnels de la foi, quittant un style de vie ordinaire pour un engagement religieux. Notre objectif est de comprendre qui sont ces jeunes, leurs historiques familiaux, leur trajectoires personnelles et comment cette nouvelle vie est perçue et vécue à travers leurs motivations.

The present research seeks to analyze and understand the following paradox: the strong - or rather intense - presence of young people in the public scene, especially the political one; a presence, however, that is strangely coupled with a low involvement of these young people in the traditional political structures. This is despite the fact that the post-revolutionary Tunisian society has set many challenges, especially those pertaining to the way of apprehending the aspirations and demands of young people. The latter represented one of the main actors of the revolution, who had paved the way for a political change and a reconfiguration of the Tunisian public space. Paradoxically, since the first test of the democratic transition, which was none other than the 2011 elections, things were marked by the absence of young people who all the more reason would have constituted an important electoral reservoir of supporters of freedom of expression. However, it turns out that the youth abstention is far from expressing a lack of civic commitment. This bias is by no means arbitrary; it is in fact a mode of political expression peculiar to them. It is in a way a response to the uncertainty that continues to plague the lives of these young people and to maintain them into a precarious state. This is not unrelated to a persistent unemployment, mainly in the absence of a "new" model of development likely to rekindle hope among them and allow them to integrate - and enjoy - the era of consumerism and hedonism propagated by the "world culture" and new communication technologies.In the meantime, these young people show they are concerned, indeed, but otherwise; they take part of a new political range, rather. The reconfiguration of the Tunisian public space is a manifestation of the emergence of such new forms of political commitment among young people and the remodeling that they operate in their relations to politics. So this research refers to these newly-invented forms of expression that convey distinctive values, ...

The present research seeks to analyze and understand the following paradox: the strong - or rather intense - presence of young people in the public scene, especially the political one; a presence, however, that is strangely coupled with a low involvement of these young people in the traditional political structures. This is despite the fact that the post-revolutionary Tunisian society has set many challenges, especially those pertaining to the way of apprehending the aspirations and demands of young people. The latter represented one of the main actors of the revolution, who had paved the way for a political change and a reconfiguration of the Tunisian public space. Paradoxically, since the first test of the democratic transition, which was none other than the 2011 elections, things were marked by the absence of young people who all the more reason would have constituted an important electoral reservoir of supporters of freedom of expression. However, it turns out that the youth abstention is far from expressing a lack of civic commitment. This bias is by no means arbitrary; it is in fact a mode of political expression peculiar to them. It is in a way a response to the uncertainty that continues to plague the lives of these young people and to maintain them into a precarious state. This is not unrelated to a persistent unemployment, mainly in the absence of a "new" model of development likely to rekindle hope among them and allow them to integrate - and enjoy - the era of consumerism and hedonism propagated by the "world culture" and new communication technologies.In the meantime, these young people show they are concerned, indeed, but otherwise; they take part of a new political range, rather. The reconfiguration of the Tunisian public space is a manifestation of the emergence of such new forms of political commitment among young people and the remodeling that they operate in their relations to politics. So this research refers to these newly-invented forms of expression that convey distinctive values, imprinting young people's political action by specific ways and means of doing things. These means are multiple, characterized by a plurality of expressive channels and forms of involvement. Thus, the art of the street, body language, lifestyle, etc., all perfectly illustrate that, behind their disinterest in the traditional political circuits, other methods and mechanisms of mobilization are taking shape and unfolding; they are certainly still ambiguous and undefined, but yet innovative, autonomous, plural, heterogeneous and, above all, unconventional and individual. ; Notre recherche a pour objectif d'analyser et de comprendre le paradoxe suivant : la forte - ou plutôt intense - présence des jeunes sur la scène publique, notamment politique. Présence, toutefois, étrangement assortie d'un faible engagement de ces mêmes jeunes dans les structures classiques d'engagement politique. Et ce bien que la société tunisienne postrévolutionnaire ait fixé de nombreux défis, dont en premier chef celui du politique et de la manière d'appréhender les aspirations et les revendications des jeunes. Ces derniers ont représenté l'un des principaux acteurs de la révolution, lesquels avaient ouvert la voie à un changement politique et à une reconfiguration de l'espace public tunisien. Paradoxalement, dès la première épreuve de la transition démocratique qu'ont été les élections de 2011, celles-ci furent marquées par l'absence des jeunes qui auraient d'autant plus constitué une importante réserve électorale de partisans de la liberté d'expression. Or, il s'avère que l'abstentionnisme de ces derniers est loin d'exprimer un manque d'engagement citoyen. Ce parti pris n'est nullement arbitraire ; il est en fait une modalité d'expression politique propre à eux. Il est en quelque sorte une réponse à l'incertitude qui continue à ronger l'existence de ces jeunes et à les plonger dans un état de précarité. Celui-ci n'est pas sans rapport avec un chômage perdurant, faute d'un « nouveau » modèle de développement à même de raviver l'espoir chez eux et de leur permettre de s'intégrer à – et profiter de – l'ère du consumérisme et l'hédonisme propagés par la « culture monde » et les nouvelles technologies de la communication.Ce faisant, les jeunes s'engagent mais autrement ; ils s'inscrivent dans un nouveau répertoire politique. La reconfiguration de l'espace public tunisien est une manifestation de l'émergence de nouvelles formes d'engagement politique chez les jeunes et les reconstitutions qu'ils opèrent sur leurs rapports au politique. Par cela, nous renvoyons à leurs nouvelles formes d'expression inventées qui véhiculent d'autres valeurs, imprimant ainsi leur action politique par des manières et modalités de faire spécifiques. Ces modalités sont multiples caractérisées par une pluralité de canaux d'expression et de formes d'engagement. Ainsi, l'art de la rue, l'expression corporelle, le mode de vie, etc., illustrent bel et bien que, derrière leur désengagement des circuits politiques traditionnels, se trament et se déploient des modalités et des dispositifs de mobilisation distincts. Modalités d'expression certes encore ambiguës et inachevées, mais innovantes, autonomes, plurielles et hétérogènes, voire surtout non conventionnelles et individuelles.

The couple is one of the most significant categories of the way that mentalities, social behavior, patterns or practices of everyday life are being redefined in the post-communist period in Romania. Starting from a brief presentation of the state of knowledge about the couple in the Romanian secondary literature, the article focuses on a double deconstruction. First, the author shows that, nowadays, the couple is a discursive category, especially visible through the demographic, legal and also political discourse. Then, life couple is an object of study in the field of political sciences that can provide insights into the overall functioning of the social and political life in the present period of transition.

International audience ; "Differently, it is possible : Young people and institutions" was the topic of the first Festival of citizenship organised jointly by the youth councils and the Ministry of Youth and Sports in March 2000. The desire of an alternative was apparently at the origin of the implementation of a ministerial policy of dialogue with young people in January 1998. The increase of such instances of consultation seems to draw a new framework of youth participation in public life. But what does it mean in facts ? A look at the first steps of the youth councils highlights that the sole political good-will is insufficient to succeed. ; «Autrement, c'est possible : les jeunes et les institutions» fut le thème du premier Festival de la citoyenneté organisé conjointement par les Conseils de la jeunesse et le ministère de la Jeunesse et des Sports en mars 2000. Le désir d'un «autrement» a été, semble-t-il, à l'origine de la création en janvier 1998 d'un dispositif ministériel de dialogue avec les jeunes. Qu'en est-il dans les faits ?

International audience ; "Differently, it is possible : Young people and institutions" was the topic of the first Festival of citizenship organised jointly by the youth councils and the Ministry of Youth and Sports in March 2000. The desire of an alternative was apparently at the origin of the implementation of a ministerial policy of dialogue with young people in January 1998. The increase of such instances of consultation seems to draw a new framework of youth participation in public life. But what does it mean in facts ? A look at the first steps of the youth councils highlights that the sole political good-will is insufficient to succeed. ; «Autrement, c'est possible : les jeunes et les institutions» fut le thème du premier Festival de la citoyenneté organisé conjointement par les Conseils de la jeunesse et le ministère de la Jeunesse et des Sports en mars 2000. Le désir d'un «autrement» a été, semble-t-il, à l'origine de la création en janvier 1998 d'un dispositif ministériel de dialogue avec les jeunes. Qu'en est-il dans les faits ?

Les données de délinquance juvénile nous obligent à contrer le discours alarmiste, tout en ne banalisant pas les problèmes vécus/causés par une minorité de jeunes qui sont bien pris dans la spirale de la délinquance, comme victime et comme auteur.

Article d'un dossier issu d'un atelier du 9e congrès de l'Association française de science politique qui s'est tenu à Toulouse du 5 au 7 septembre 2007, intitulé « Le militantisme dans les partis de droite ». ; National audience ; In contrast with most young activists in left- and right-wing parties, some of the young Forza Italia activists do not hesitate to present their involvement as a means to obtain material and/or symbolic rewards. Interviews with young Berlusconians conducted at the beginning of Berlusconi's second term (2001-2006) starkly belie what is now the classic model of incentives for political activism (which presupposes a denial of interest in rewards of any kind other than victory for one's cause, an emphasis on sacrifice and the primacy of ideological motivations). Moreover, they invite sociologists to reconsider evidence from the literature on political activism. Nevertheless, behind the defense of entrepreneurial activism lie several difficulties: the risks in case of individual failure, regrets about the relative dearth of collective activities geared toward socialization, the fragility of the positions this type of involvement implies. In the final analysis, the model of a self-interested calling that these young Forza Italia activists embody reflects the more general transformations that democratic political systems have undergone. ; À la différence de la plupart des partis de « gauche » comme de « droite », certains jeunes militants de Forza Italia n'hésitent pas à présenter leur engagement comme un moyen d'accéder à des rétributions d'ordre matériel et/ou symbolique. Contrastant fortement avec le modèle désormais classique des rétributions – qui suppose un déni de l'intérêt militant pour toute forme de récompense dernière autre que la victoire de la cause, une mise en avant du sacrifice et la primauté aux motivations idéologiques – les discours de ces jeunes berlusconiens recueillis par entretiens au début du second gouvernement Berlusconi (2001-2006) invitent à reconsidérer les acquis ...