Suchergebnisse

Omladinski klub V3 varaždinske Gimnazije utemeljen je 21. rujna 1965. godine na obljetnicu stradanja V3 (petog tri) razreda kragujevačkih učenika prema kojem je dobio ime. U početku je djelovao u bivšoj crtaoni, najvećoj prostoriji u varaždinskoj Gimnaziji. Nakon rekonstrukcije gimnazijske zgrade u periodu 1971.-1973. godine, za njegove je potrebe, uz dobrovoljni rad učenika, bio uređen podrumski prostor južnog krila Gimnazije u kojem je nastavio uspješno djelovati do izbijanja ratnih sukoba koji su početkom 90-ih godina XX. stoljeća prouzročili raspad Jugoslavije i osnutak neovisne Republike Hrvatske. Djelujući kao učenički klub koji je imao ograničenu autonomiju unutar škole, razvijao je bogatu i razgrananu aktivnost, priređujući javna događanja, kulturne i zabavne priredbe namijenjene gimnazijalcima, a često i široj publici. Zahvaljujući vlastitim prihodima, Klub je dijelom bio financijski neovisan, a njegovim su radom, uz indirektan nadzor škole, uglavnom samostalno upravljali učenici. U njegovoj su organizaciji pred gimnazijskim učenicima nastupali i izvodili svoje programe istaknuti umjetnici, književnici, glazbenici i glazbeni sastavi, znanstvenici, sportaši i društveno-politički aktivisti i djelatnici s područja čitave Jugoslavije. Polaznicima Gimnazije je tako bilo omogućeno, ne samo korisno provođenje slobodnog vremena, već i mladima svojstvena zabava jer je Klub redovito, jednom tjedno priređivao disco-večeri i godinama bio jedini disco-klub u Varaždinu. Izbijanjem Domovinskog rata i izmjenom društveno-političkog i gospodarskog sustava početkom 90-ih godina XX. stoljeća, djelovanje Omladinskog kluba V3 je spontano prekinuto. Njegov neiskorišteni prostor uprava varaždinske Gimnazije odlučila je iskoristiti kako bi osigurala brzu prehranu za potrebe svojih učenika. ; on the 21st of September 1965 at the anniversary of the plight of V3 (fifth three) class of Kragujevac students. At first its activities were confined to the former Gimnazija drawing room which was at the time the biggest room in the school. After the reconstruction process of the Gimnazija building in the period between 1971 and 1973, aided by student volunteers, the basement of the school was refurbished for the purposes of the club activities. It continued to flourish until the start of the war which in 1990s marked the collapse of Yugoslavia and contributed to the establishment of the indepedent Republic of Croatia. As a student club which had only limited autonomy within the school, the club developed a rich and varied plan of activities which entailed the organization of public events, cultural and entertainment events intended for Gimnazija students and general public as well. Thanks to its own earnings, the club was partially independent in terms of its finances and its activities were mostly organized independently by the students with an indirect supervision of the school management. The club organized various spectacles for its students which were delivered by distinguished artists, writers, musicians and music groups, scientists, athletes, political activists and other important figures from the entire territory of Yugoslavia. Gimnazija students were thus offered not only a high-quality activity plan for their free time, but also a form of entertainment because the club would regularly, once a week set up disco-evenings as it was the only discoclub in Varaždin for many years. After the beginning of the War of Independence and the newly emerged social, political and economic system in the early 1990s, the activity of the youth club V3 was spontaneously discontinued. Its emptied premises were afterwards used by the Gimnazija management for a fast food facility catering to its students.

e-Glasovanje u radu je definirano prema Oostveen i Besselaar (2004:61) koji definiraju internet glasovanje (ili elektroničko glasovanje, online glasovanje) kao "način glasovanja koji koristi enkripciju kako bi omogućio glasaču sigurno i tajno glasovanje putem interneta". Ovaj oblik glasovanja prije svega je praktičan zbog toga što omogućuje glasovanje bez odlaska na tradicionalno biralište, a obzirom da se odvija putem interneta, neki autori predviđaju mogućnost veće izlaznosti i političke participacije mladih kao dobne skupine koja se svakodnevno koristi računalnom tehnologijom i internetom (Mellon et al., 2016) i pokazuje relativno nisku razinu izlaznosti na političke izbore (Allan et al., 2012; Dictson i Ray, 2000 prema Besselaar i Oostveen, 2004). Cilj rada je na uzorku od 133 ispitanika u dobi od 18-25 godina kvantitativno tj. putem online ankete i koristeći teorijsku podlogu Modela prihvaćanja novih tehnologija, Teorije difuzije inovacija, Ujedinjene teorije prihvaćanja i korištenja tehnologija te nekih modela povjerenja i sigurnosti ispitati faktore koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su faktori koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja povjerenje u vladu i internet, točnost, povjerljivost, vjerojatnost napada na sustav, percipirana korisnost i očekivana učinkovitost. Nalazi o mogućnosti veće participacije mladih u slučaju uvođenja e-glasovanja nisu statistički značajni. ; e-Voting (or electronic voting, online voting) is defined by Oostveen and Besselaar (2004: 61) as a "voting manner that uses encryption to enable the voter to securely and secretly vote via the internet." This form of voting is first and foremost practical because it allows voting without going to the traditional polling station, and considering that it is obtained via the internet, some authors anticipate the possibility of greater turnout and political participation of young people as an age group which uses computer technology and the internet on a daily basis ...

U članku se razmatraju okolnosti osnutka izložbe Salon mladih ujesen 1968. te uloga te manifestacije u profiliranju društveno-političkoga identiteta mladih umjetnika u idućem razdoblju. Osvrće se na reformska nastojanja na području kulturne politike u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina, analizira jačanje interesa za problematiku mladih u kulturi na razini Socijalističkoga saveza omladine Hrvatske. Objašnjava se materijalni i profesionalni položaj mladih umjetnika te rasvjetljavaju događaji vezani uz studentske prosvjede na Akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u Zagrebu u lipnju 1968. Nadalje se razmatraju uzroci negativne percepcije Salona u prvim godinama njegova trajanja te razlozi identitetskoga raslojavanja u redovima mladih umjetnika koje je ova izložba izazvala. Potonje se prvenstveno odnosi na suparništvo tzv. novih plastičara i likovne grupe "Atelier Biafra", o čemu se također podrobnije raspravlja. ; The article discusses the circumstances of the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition in the autumn of 1968 and its role in profiling the socio-political identity of young artists in the following period. The starting claim is that the current knowledge about how much events related to global and local student protests directly influenced the art scene in socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia is relatively modest, that is, that the connection between a certain type of avant-garde artistic practice and particular historical context is based on general assumptions. In order to clarify these ties, the article reflects on the cultural policy that immediately preceded the rebellious year, which was marked by general reform efforts in socialist Croatia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the second half of the 1960s. The social position of young artists became one of the important topics in regard to the reform efforts in the field of culture, as evidenced by the intensity of discussions at the level of the League of Socialist Youth. The text further explains the material and professional working conditions of young artists and the reasons for their dissatisfaction with the cultural and artistic system. Light is shed on events related to student protests at the Academy of Fine Arts in Zagreb in June 1968, which were an immediate occasion for the establishment of the Youth Salon exhibition. The thesis is that the Youth Salon, as a representative type of exhibition organised by the central republican art association (ULUH) and the Central Committee of the League of Socialist Youth, represented a typical parade gesture made by the state, which sought to pacify young people's dissatisfaction with the general situation in the field of art and culture. As such, the Youth Salon experienced severe criticism in the first years of its existence. It also influenced the politicisation of young artists, who began to engage in criticism of the system as a whole. The controversy over the Youth Salon was also the immediate cause of the identity divergence between the young avant-garde artists, within which two art groups were the leading opponents: the so-called 'neoplasticists', gathered around Zagreb's SC Gallery, and artists gathered in the Art Group 'Atelier biafra', who were the initiators and organisers of the Youth Salon in the first years. This antagonism would determine the balance of power on the Croatian art scene in the long run and influence the understanding of the echoes of 1968 in art and culture in general.

Ovaj rad nastoji istražiti koje su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade koje pridonose izgradnji europskog identiteta i europske solidarnosti. Europski programi volontiranja mehanizam su povezivanja i osnaživanja mladih europskih volontera. Kroz aktualni program Europske snage solidarnosti mladi neosporno rade na svojim vještinama. Ipak, naglasak je na preventivnom ili kurativnom, a uvijek solidarnom djelovanju. Volontiranje je usmjereno na krizu zajednice i tako dotiče mnogobrojne dimenzije ekspresije europskog identiteta. Proces provedbe volonterskih programa za mlade prolazi višestruku koordinaciju između europske i nacionalne razine. Uredba Europske unije temelj je za provedbu programa, koji uvelike djeluje po načelima europske Strategije za mlade, čime se pokazuje da legislativna i provedbena strana europskih programa volontiranja zajednički djeluje na koncepciju europskog identiteta. Istraživanje putem intervjua sa stručnjacima, provedeno za potrebe ovog rada ukazuje na brojne sličnosti i komplementarnost koncepata koji čine odrednice europskih programa volontiranja i europskog identiteta, poput osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici, međunarodnih bliskih, prijateljskih odnosa, zajedničkih aktivnosti, kao i standardizacije te regulacije politika za mlade na europskoj razini. Dijeljenje iskustava mladih Europljana koji su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade i europskog identiteta praktično povezali i primjenili u vlastitim životima može imati dugoročno pozitivne učinke na budućnost EU. ; This paper seeks to explore what are the determinants of the European youth volunteering programs that contribute to the building of the European identity and European solidarity. European volunteering programs are the mechanism for connecting and empowering young European volunteers. Through the current program, the European Solidarity Corps, young people are indisputably working on their skills. However, the emphasis is on preventative or curative, but always solidarity action. Volunteering has focused ...

U ljetnim mjesecima 1905. godine skupina demokratski usmjerenih varaždinskih studenata utemeljila je Hrvatski akademski ferijalni klub Fidelitas koji je 1907. promijenio naziv u Tomislav. Svrha ovog kluba bila je razvijanje društvenosti i širenje prosvjete među članstvom i širim slojevima pučanstva. U sljedećih desetak godina klub je razvio bogatu i sustavnu aktivnost na tri ključna područja, pri priređivanju kulturno-zabavnih programa, pučkih javnih predavanja i održavanju tečajeva za opismenjavanje. Kako bi privukli pozornost varaždinske javnosti, sveučilištarci su tijekom božićnih i uskršnjih praznika, maksimalno koristeći slobodno vrijeme svojih članova, od samog početka priređivali Dramatske večeri, glazbeno-literarne programe, tzv. jour fixe, pučke ljetne zabave, plesne vjenčiće i koncerte. Njihovim priređivanjem oni su pridonosili kulturnom i društvenom životu i osiguravali sredstva potrebna za humanitarni rad i održavanje ostalih svojih aktivnosti. Priređivanjem pučkih javnih predavanja sveučilištarci su među građanstvom nastojali predstaviti i popularizirati postignuća raznih područja znanosti i umjetnosti kako bi se općenito podigla razina obrazovanosti stanovništva. Zahvaljujući organizacijskim teškoćama i idejno-političkim nesuglasicama s lokalnim vlastima, ova se aktivnost svela na svega nekoliko priređenih predavanja tijekom 1907. i 1908. godine. Daleko uspješnija bila je aktivnost suzbijanja nepismenosti. U tu svrhu redovito su organizirani analfabetski tečajevi, a termini njihovog održavanja s vremenom su usklađeni s prekidima u akademskoj godini pa se obično zimski tečaj organizirao preko božićnih, dok se proljetni tečaj održavao tijekom uskrsnih praznika. Uobičajeno vrijeme podučavanja svodilo se na nekoliko tjedana i obično se održavalo u prostorima varaždinskih pučkih škola. Pouka je za polaznike bila besplatna jer je sve troškove pokrivao akademski klub. Premda su nastojali zadržati političku neutralnost, varaždinski sveučilištarci su se uključili u pripremu i organizaciju masovnog učeničkog štrajka protiv bana Slavka Cuvaja 1912. godine. Uz podršku Hrvatskog akademskog ferijalnog kluba Tomislav uslijedio je jednodnevni učenički štrajk upozorenja 14. ožujka i priključivanje varaždinske mladeži generalnom štrajku hrvatske mladeži 19. ožujka 1912. godine. Zabranom djelovanja svih udruga koja je nastupila s početkom Prvog svjetskog rata, klub je nažalost, prekinuo svoju legalnu aktivnost na nekoliko sljedećih godina. ; In summer months of 1905 a group of Varaždin democrat students founded the Croatian Academic Youth Club Fidelitas which was later renamed as Tomislav in 1907. The purpose of the club was the development of social activities and the promotion of teaching activities amongst its members and general public. In the following ten years the club developed a rich and systematic activity on three different levels: the organization of cultural and entertainment events, the organization of non-academic public lectures and offering literacy courses. In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.In order to attract the attention of Varaždin public, academicians used to spend their free time during the Christmas and Easter holidays by organizing Drama nights, musical and literary programs, the so-called jour fixe, folk summer parties, regency dances and concerts. Through the organization of the mentioned events they made a contribution to the cultural and social life, as well as provided the means necessary for humanitarian activity and the organization of all other activities. The purpose of giving public non-academic lectures was to introduce the general public to new advances in various fields of science and art, in order to raise general level of education of the population. As a consequence of organizational difficulties as well as political and ideological conflicts with the local authorities, the mentioned activity was eventually reduced to only several organized lectures throughout 1907 and 1908. However, the literacy improvement activity was far more successful. In order to improve literacy, the academicians organized regular courses for the illiterate people, and eventually they managed to run the courses during the academic breaks. Therefore, winter courses were normally given during Christmas break and the spring courses during Easter breaks. The usual duration of the course was several weeks and the course was normally held in Varaždin public schools. The courses were free of charge for the students because all the expenses were covered by the Academic club. Despite the fact that they were trying to stay politically neutral, Varaždin academicians were engaged in the preparation and organization of massive student strike against viceroy Slavko Cuvaj in 1912. Supported by Croatian Academic Youth Club Tomislav, a one-day student strike was held on March the 14th and the Varaždin youth joined the general strike of Croatian youth which was held on the 19th of March, 1912. Following the official ban of all associations that was introduced at the onset of World War I, unfortunately the club had to suspend all legal activities for a couple of years.

Ovaj se rad bavi analizom glazbenih preferencija i političkog ponašanja kod studenata na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu. U skladu s navedenim provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=140). Prvi dio rada obuhvaća teorijski pregled pri čemu se dotiče dosadašnjih istraživanja u sferi glazbenih preferencija te različitih aspekata političkog ponašanja. U drugom dijelu rada provedeno je istraživanje u kojem su se mjerile glazbene preferencije i političko ponašanje mladih. U kontekstu glazbenih preferencija obuhvaćene su sljedeće komponente: učestalost slušanja glazbe, utjecaj slušanja glazbe na život studenata i preferencije prema pojedinom žanru glazbe. Kako bi izmjerili političko ponašanje studenata mjerena je: politička orijentacija studenata, izlaznost na izbore, participacija u strankama, na prosvjedima, potpisivanjima peticija i štrajkovima, učestalost političkog informiranja, podrška demokraciji te je provjeravano znanje o osnovnim političkim pojmovima. Istraživanjem se pokušalo provjeriti postoji li povezanost između tih dvaju faktora. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali kako su lijevo orijentirani ispitanici manje skloni popularno tradicionalnom glazbenom ukusu te pokazuju veću razinu političke participacije. Također, pokazalo se kako ispitanici u čijim životima glazba ima velik utjecaj, pokazuju manju razinu znanja o politici. ; This paper deals with the analysis of musical preferences and political behaviour among students at the University of Zagreb. In accordance following the aforementioned, a study was conducted on students of the University of Zagreb (N=140). The first part of the paper includes a theoretical overview, touching on previous research in the field of musical preferences and various aspects of political behaviour. In the second part, the research was conducted in which the musical preferences and political behaviour were measured. In the context of the musical components, the following components were included: frequency of the listening to the music, the impact on their ...

The author analyzes the interpretations of the political events of 1971 in Croatia. The issue of political pluralism is the bone of contention in the recent debates about these events. The author shows that the efforts of some analysts to relate the events of 1971 to political pluralism are unfounded. References. Adapted from the source document.

Rad ima cilj da objasni značaj porodice kao faktora u vodećim mikro- i makro-teorijama porekla delinkvencije i da utvrdi uloge koje joj one dodeljuju u objašnjenju etiologije ovakvog ponašanja. Analiza je pokazala da mikro-teorije kao posebno značajnu ističu socijalizaciju i vaspitnu ulogu porodice kojom se oblikuju kako konformistički, tako i antisocijalni obrasci ponašanja, dok makro-teorije glavne uzroke devijantnosti pronalaze u strukturalnim karakteristikama društva, a porodicu prepoznaju kao faktora koji posreduje između društva i deteta. Analizom su utvrđeni i nedostaci proučavanih teorija. S obzirom na to da se baziraju na istraživanjima sprovedenim u SAD-u i zapadnoevropskim zemljama, one ne mogu u potpunosti da se primene na objašnjenje etiologije delinkvencije u svim društvima. Pored toga, mikro-teorije ne uzimaju u obzir karakteristike društva koje mogu da utiču na izbor vaspitnih metoda roditelja, razvoj njihovog vaspitnog stila i na njihovu odluku koje vrednosti će da prenesu deci, dok se makro-teorije ne bave pitanjem kakav uticaj imaju na devijantno ponašanje odlike onih društava, čiji su ekonomski, pravni i kulturni sistemi decenijama nestabilni, kao ni onih čiji se društveni sistem urušio i još uvek se nije reetablirao. Na osnovu ove analize može da se zaključi da uprkos važnoj ulozi koju roditelji imaju za usvajanje/sprečavanje antisocijalnog ponašanja, okvire u kojima će oni tu ulogu obavljati određuju karakteristike datog društva. ; This paper analyses the state of institutional trust (IT) in Croatia based on data collected by the Faculty of Political Science on a representative sample of Croatian citizens in eight time points over the past 20 years. Based on Easton's and Norris' concepts and considering previous studies on IT in Croatia, this paper brings some new elements. While most of the previous studies cover a maximum of three measurement points in a relatively short time span and analyse the latent structure of IT through an exploratory approach, this paper is based on an analysis ...

The author presents the complex institutional framework of the youth policy in Croatia using the theoretical insights from network management, described in the edited volume by Kickert, Klijn & Koppenjan Managing Complex Networks, as well as the typology of Theodor Lowi who recognizes four basic types of policies: distributive, redistributive, regulative & constitutive. The analysis shows that the youth policy in Croatia is basically a redistributive policy with elements of regulative policy. It is also shown that the success of the policy depends on strengthening the roof youth organization that could be both a partner & a critic in the working of government. Exploring whether young people have material goods, whether they are represented in the formal decision making bodies & whether they are well informed, the article points to the disadvantaged position of young people in Croatia that corresponds to the concept of social exclusion, which means that young people suffer from the impossibility to influence the circumstances, rules of the game & the future development of the political community where they live. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyzes & compares political participation of young people in Europe & Croatia, & the basic components of the existing youth-related policies. The data show that young Europeans, as well as young Croats, are underrepresented in the traditional political institutions & processes. Since the developed European states find such a state of affairs detrimental for the future of representative democracy, one of the priorities of national youth-related policies is to enhance their political commitment & social integration. In Croatia, the national youth policy has only recently been adopted by the highest governing bodies & its effects will be noticeable in several years. Croatia belongs to the majority of European countries in which young people are viewed as a resource, but at the same time to the minority of the countries with a recently established institutional infrastructure with a view to systematically deal with the problems of young people & to coordinate activities in the implementation of the youth policy. The author also discusses the problem of the differences among the definitions of the age bracket for the population of young people in official statistics, research, & European youth-oriented policies. Based on research findings, the author proposes raising the upper age limit in the definition of young people as a social group from today's standard 25 to 30 years of age. 2 Tables, 3 Graphs, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The context of the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only with the processes specific for all postsocialist countries, such as the loss of traditional securities or the renaissance of "disintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but also with specific postwar processes. Since this has resulted in complex mediation between individual & collective behaviors, the youth of the 1990s in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation; with the gap between the wish for security & the possibilities for development, they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving material, cultural, & biographical resources. Skeptical about their own future, they tend primarily to provide for their everyday basic needs & declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private space, & free time. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.

Two analyses have been carried out for the purpose of this study. The first refers to the analysis of the gender differences in the development of civil sense (understanding citizenship) & the practice of citizenship (practicing citizenship). The second refers primarily to the analysis of the variables of the "school experience" (the school climate or the perceived opportunity for an open classroom discussion, & the variables of the perceived tasks of classroom learning or education) & how they influence the expected voting behaviour of adults. The findings were compared to similar international comparative studies (the 2001 TEA study, C. Hahn's study of 1998). Our study has shown that the gender differences regarding the civil political sense & the culture among young people have been diminishing but have not fully disappeared, & that there are significant differences among individual countries in that respect. Our research has shown that there are significant gender differences in their understanding of citizenship; these differences are somewhat smaller for the variable of the practice of citizenship among high-school students. However, those differences are not particularly pronounced. It seems that it is no longer justified to talk about civil political culture as "male culture," though gender still creates marked differences but no longer solely in favour of men. We have not come to the end of the road leading to a balanced civil political culture yet, at least regarding gender. & secondly, our study has shown that the political education of students & the perceived tasks of political education in schools influence the expected adult voting behaviour. This confirms the thesis that the classroom political education is relevant, at least to a limited degree, for the key variables of civil sense & practice. 4 Tables, 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The context of the development of the Croatian society after the decay of the socialist structures is burdened not only with the processes specific for all postsocialist countries, such as the loss of traditional securities or the renaissance of "disintegrating capitalism" (Beck, 1994, 479), but also with specific postwar processes. Since this has resulted in complex mediation between individual & collective behaviors, the youth of the 1990s in Croatia have found themselves in an ambivalent situation; with the gap between the wish for security & the possibilities for development, they can hardly develop self-functioning ways of achieving material, cultural, & biographical resources. Skeptical about their own future, they tend primarily to provide for their everyday basic needs & declare themselves as nonpolitical, interested only in themselves, their private space, & free time. 66 References. Adapted from the source document.