The wave of protests that, starting from the end of 2010, hit some countries in the Middle- East North-Africa region, leading to the fall of long-standing autocratic regimes and referred to as the Arab Spring, has renewed the interests of researchers on youth bulges. The youth bulge theory links the demographic transition to political instability, by asserting that countries characterized by a particularly young population tend to be more vulnerable to political violence. The aim of the thesis is to test empirically this hypothesis on a sample of 160 countries in the post-World War II period. For this purpose, we adopt an econometric strategy alternative to the one prevailing in the literature on the determinants of civil conflicts: we employ a simple linear regression model which accounts for country and time fixed effects.
An instrument of political socialization of the younger generations and a privileged access channel to the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party, the Communist Youth League has partnered up with the Party in the various phases of its history, acting as a bridge between the Party and young people and carrying out important support functions for party policies. Despite having been going through a phase of decline for some years, the Youth League remains, to this day, an essential component of the Chinese political and institutional system. The economic reforms impacted on this organization which, while remaining structurally dependent on the Party, has seen an expansion of its traditional role, in order to be more attractive to its constituency, and at the same time maintain its function as a link and guide for the Chinese youth. Since the early Nineties, institutional adaptation and innovation have undoubtedly been significant. This contribution aims to provide an analysis of the functioning of the Youth League in the People's Republic of China and to outline the evolution of official youth work since the Tian'anmen crackdown, taking into consideration the main official documents. Particular attention will be paid to the adaptation process that has been initiated in order to reconcile its twofold identity as Party assistant and youth organization and strengthen the link with the new generations. This article will show that the transition of the focus of the League's work towards social services, while attempting to address newly emerged needs and problems affecting young people, has been primarily understood as a way to socialize them in the official political discourse and practices and maintain the stability of the system in a context of changing State-society relations. ; Strumento di socializzazione politica delle giovani generazioni e canale di accesso privilegiato alle fila del Partito comunista cinese, la Lega giovanile comunista ha affiancato il Partito nelle varie fasi della sua storia, fungendo da ponte tra il Partito e i giovani e svolgendo importanti funzioni di supporto alle politiche di partito. Pur attraversando da alcuni anni una fase di declino, la Lega rimane, ad oggi, una componente essenziale del sistema politico e istituzionale cinese. Le riforme economiche hanno inciso su questa organizzazione che, pur rimanendo strutturalmente dipendente dal Partito, ha visto ampliare il suo ruolo tradizionale, per essere più attraente per il suo elettorato, e allo stesso tempo mantenere la sua funzione di anello di congiunzione e guida per la gioventù cinese. Sin dai primi anni Novanta, l'adeguamento istituzionale e l'innovazione sono stati indubbiamente significativi. Questo contributo si propone di fornire un'analisi del funzionamento della Lega giovanile comunista nella Repubblica popolare cinese e di delineare l'evoluzione del lavoro giovanile ufficiale dopo la repressione di Tian'anmen, prendendo in considerazione i principali documenti ufficiali. Particolare attenzione sarà dedicata al processo di adattamento avviato per conciliare la sua duplice identità di assistente del Partito e di organizzazione giovanile e rafforzare il legame con le nuove generazioni. Questo articolo mostrerà che il passaggio del focus del lavoro della Lega verso i servizi sociali, nel tentativo di affrontare i bisogni e i problemi emersi di recente che colpiscono i giovani, è stato inteso principalmente come un modo per socializzare i giovani nel discorso e nelle pratiche politiche ufficiali e mantenere la stabilità del sistema in un contesto di mutate relazioni Stato-società.
If you type in the word 'revolution' in the Google search engine the top result that comes up is a chain of bars called Revolution. Other results on the first page of the search engine include a commercial radio station, clothing, a skate park and a software company. A Wikipedia page and the website of the Revolutionary Socialist Youth are the only non-commercial results Google provides us on its first page. This says as much about the business model of Google than it does about the changes at the level of meanings attributed to revolution. Revolution, it will be argued here, is a political signifier emptied of its radical connotations and currently used graciously as a brand or as a buzzword to mean change in whatever direction. As a result, revolution has been firmly incorporated into the neoliberal discourse and value system.
La tesi tematizza come proprio oggetto di indagine i percorsi di partecipazione politica e civica dei giovani nei contesti di transizione alla vita adulta, concentrandosi sull'influenza delle relazioni tra generazioni su tali espressioni di coinvolgimento. L'approfondimento empirico consiste in una ricerca qualitativa condotta presso il quartiere Navile di Bologna nel 2012. Basandosi sull'approccio metodologico della grounded theory, essa ha coinvolto un campione di giovani e un campione di adulti per loro significativi attraverso interviste semistrutturate. Dall'analisi emerge una rilevante disaffezione giovanile nei confronti della politica che, tuttavia, non traduce in un rifiuto del coinvolgimento, ma in una "partecipazione con riserva" espressa attraverso atteggiamenti tutt'altro che passivi nei confronti della politica formale - basati sulla logica della riforma, della resistenza o della ribellione - e mediante un forte investimento in attività partecipative non convenzionali (associazionismo e coinvolgimento). A fare da sfondo all'interesse partecipativo dei giovani si colloca una lettura negativa della propria condizione presente ed un conseguente conflitto intergenerazionale piuttosto manifesto, che si riflette sulle stesse modalità di attivazione. La politica, nelle sue espressioni più strettamente formali, viene interpretata come un 'territorio adulto', gestito secondo logiche che lasciano poco spazio ai giovani i quali, per tale ragione, scelgono di attivarsi secondo modalità alternative in cui il confronto con l'altro, quando presente, avviene prevalentemente tra pari o su basi avvertite come più paritarie. Il distanziamento dei giovani dalla politica formale riflette quindi una parallela presa di distanza dagli adulti, i quali risultano smarriti nello svolgimento delle loro funzioni di modello e di riconoscimento. La loro ambivalenza rispetto ai giovani - ossia il continuo oscillare tra il profondo pessimismo e il cieco ottimismo, tra la guida direttiva e la deresponsabilizzazione - si traduce in un riconoscimento parziale delle reali potenzialità ed esigenze dei giovani come cittadini ed adulti emergenti. ; The thesis investigates youth paths of political and civic participation in the context of transitions to adulthood and focuses on the influence intergenerational relationships has on youth engagement. The empirical study consists of a qualitative research conducted in Bologna in 2012. Based on a grounded theory methodological approach, it involved a sample of young people and a sample of 'significant adults' through semi-structured interviews. The analysis shows a relevant disaffection towards politics among the youth which, however, does not lead to political and civic disengagement, but to a "conditional participation" expressed through proactive attitudes towards formal politics - based on a reform, resistance or rebellion logic- and through a deep investment in non-conventional activities. A negative interpretation of their present condition and a consequent intergenerational conflict are placed on the background of this type of involvement. Politics, in its most strictly formal expressions, is seen as an 'adult area' managed according to a logic that leaves little room to young people, who consequently choose to participate through alternative ways of activation where adult presence and power are perceived as weaker. Therefore, the young demographics' departure from formal politics reflects a parallel distancing dynamic from adults, who appear unable to adequately perform their functions of model and recognition. Their ambivalence toward young people - that is, the constant fluctuation between pessimism and optimism, between oppressive guidance and lack of responsibility - results in a partial recognition of the real potential and needs of young people as citizens and emerging adults.
- ; Electoral turnout figures reveal that in recent years young voters have shown a strong disaffection with politics, which could be explained by the increasing lack of communication between them and the political class. By examining some strategies adopted by German politicians to approach young people and by addressing the characteristics of young people's language, the paper will first focus on an interview with Angela Merkel by woman YouTuber Ischtar Isik. To ascertain whether the language used in the interview by this young influencer truly represents her usual way of speaking, a second document will be analysed, in which Ischtar, this time as interviewee, deals with general topics. Conclusions will be drawn based on the data resulting from the comparison between the two interviews. ; -
Nowadays Italian youth can be considered heterogeneous concerning somatictraits, color of the skin, spoken languages at home and the religionorientation. Some of them were born abroad, outside national borders, andsome, although they were born on the national territory, are not yet Italiancitizens. But then the question arises: who are they? These are the so-calledsecond generations, or the children of those migrants, who since the mid-70s have considered Italy as a country that could offer a future for them andtheir children. The topic of second generations is central in political debates,both at European and national level, regarding citizenship, integration, socialinclusion; but not only, scholars, engaged in migration studies both in Europeand America, began to focus their research on second generations.Overseas the research started since the time of the Chicago School, investigatingon children of European migrants. In Europe and, above all, in Italy,where the migration phenomenon is relatively recent, research on secondgenerations started only in the 90s. This paper aims to illustrate a researchconducted in South Tyrol in 2019 investigating identity and desires of second-generation girls with Albanian origins. Peculiar is the environment inwhich these girls were born and raised, South Tyrol, a border land inhabitedby three different linguistic groups with their own ethnic identities. ; I ragazzi italiani di oggi sono eterogenei dai tratti somatici al colore dellapelle, alla lingua parlata in casa e alla religione praticata. Alcuni sono nati all'estero,fuori dai confini nazionali, e taluni pur essendo nati sul territorionazionale non sono ancora cittadini italiani. Ma allora sorge spontanea ladomanda: chi sono? Si tratta delle cosiddette seconde generazioni, ovvero ifigli di quei migranti, che dalla metà degli anni '70, hanno visto nell'Italia unpaese che poteva dare futuro a loro e ai loro figli. Il tema delle seconde generazioniè centrale in dibattiti politici, sia europei che nazionali, per quantoriguarda ...
This dataset contains the underlying qualitative data of the following article published in the journal Frontiers in Political Science: Tzankova, I., Albanesi, A., & Cicognani, E. (2021). Perceived school characteristics fostering civic engagement among adolescents in Italy. Frontiers in Political Science. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpos.2021.611824 The dataset consists of textual qualitative data collected in Italy within Work Package 6 of the research project CATCH EyoU (Constructing AcTive CitizensHip with European YOUth: Policies, Practices, Challenges and Solutions). It consists of 513 quotations from 10 focus groups with 101 adolescents between 16 and 20 years old. Students participated in the study on a voluntary basis and were requested to read and sign an informed consent form prior to participating (for minors the consent was preliminarily asked also to parents). The data is an extract from the raw Italian dataset and was used in the analysis of students' perspectives on the mechanisms and limitations of democratic school characteristics outside of the formal curriculum (democratic school climate, student participation and critical reflection at school) in promoting civic engagement. It contains an identifier for each focus group discussion and the extracted quotations from verbal transcripts. The data has been fully anonymized. This data is made available for open access in compliance with H2020 Program regulation, following the guidelines stipulated by the Data Management Plan adopted by the CATCH-EyoU research project.
The article presents part of the results of the Teens' voice 2019-2020 survey and, in particular, the analysis of the answers to an open-ended question on the issues for which students leaving upper secondary school declare themselves available for a political commitment. The sample consists of 753 students who were interviewed during the Saloni Campus Orienta in eight Italian cities. The research shows how young people declare that they want to commit themselves to issues of great social value and that they therefore are open to a political commitment linked to the values of the environment and solidarity. This testifies that the young people leaving secondary school have internalized the values of the Constitution. The authors consider this work the demonstration that it is possible to do research even with first-year students and therefore propose an active approach to teaching at the university level. ; L'articolo presenta una parte dei risultati della indagine condotta dall'Osservatorio Teens' Voice che nel 2019-2020 ha affrontato i temi dell'impegno politico e civile degli studenti in uscita dalla scuola secondaria di secondo grado. Il lavoro si limita all'analisi dei contenuti delle risposte a una domanda aperta sui temi per i quali gli studenti si dichiarano disponibili per un impegno politico. L'unità di analisi è di 753 studenti intervistati durante i Saloni Campus Orienta in otto grandi città italiane. Lo studio evidenzia come i giovani dichiarino di volersi impegnare su tematiche di grande valore sociale e si dichiarino disponibili a un impegno politico legato ai valori dell'ambiente e della solidarietà. Questo testimonia in uscita dalla scuola secondaria come i giovani abbiano interiorizzato i valori della Costituzione. Gli autori considerano questo articolo anche come un approccio alla didattica attiva in università.
Much has been said about Arab youth in the last decade first as the heroes of the Arab uprisings in 2010-2011 and then – when the first enthusiasm after the revolts melted away – as uncontrolled masses of unemployed, illegal migrants and easy victims of organized crime and extremist groups. More in general, youth and Arab youth in particular have become a key development and security priority as exemplified by the 2016 Arab Human Development Report. But what is it behind such a general appraisal of the youth category in public policies and concern? This article aims precisely at answering this question by analysing the prevalent narrative on youth, labour and political mobilization used by international agencies, governments and, at least partially, the academia. The analysis and the examples given are taken from Arab countries, but similar narratives are used also toward youth living in the post-democracies of Europe and North America.
Uno dei più importanti risultati del processo di integrazione europea è la costruzione di uno spazio transnazionale in cui i cittadini europei possono muoversi liberamente. La mobilità favorisce dinamiche di europeizzazione dal basso –o di europeizzazione orizzontale–, e lo sviluppo di pratiche cross-nazionali e amplia le risorse individuali e relazionali a disposizione dei giovani per progettare i propri percorsi professionali e di vita. La Generazione Erasmus definisce giovani socializzati a un humus culturale transnazionale e fortemente identificati con l'Europa. Nell'attuale contesto di crisi economica, a sperimentare la mobilità sono sempre più i giovani altamente qualificati dei paesi dell'Europa del sud, quale strategia individuale cui ricorrere per trovare risposta ai problemi connessi alla precarietà, alla disoccupazione, alla sotto-qualificazione degli impieghi. Il risultato è che la mobilità può assumere il volto di un obbligo, più che di una scelta e, più che dinamiche di europeizzazione orizzontale, può favorire una "fuga dei cervelli" dai paesi del sud ai paesi del centro e del nord Europa. L'articolo, focalizzandosi sui giovani italiani e spagnoli, si chiede cosa succede quando la Generazione Erasmus incontra la Generazione Precaria, analizzando cause ed effetti della mobilità, sul piano micro e macro sociale e sul piano politico. ; One of the main achievement of the European integration process is the making of a transnational space where European citizens can freely circulate. Mobility promotes a kind of bottom-up, or horizontal europeanization, and the spread of cross-national practices. It also contributes to a widening in the individual and relational resources available to youth to carry out their professional and personal life projects. The so called Erasmus Generation, defines young peoples socialized to a transnational cultural humus and highly identified with Europe. Indeed, in the current context of economic crisis, mobility is more and more experienced by highly skilled youth from Southern European countries, as individual strategies to deal with precariousness, unemployments, under-qualified jobs. As a result, mobility can be seen as an obligation, more than a choice, and as a form of brain drain from Southern to Central and Northern European countries, more that a carrier of horizontal europeanization. The article, focusing on Italian and Spanish youth, explore the interconnection between Erasmus Generation and Precarious Generation, and analyzes causes and effect of transnational mobility experienced by highly skilled youth, on the micro and macro social level and on the political level.
The article describes the historical background of an unpublished letter by Francesco De Sanctis to his pupil Luigi La Vista in 1848. The letter consists of a writing lesson but also seems to have been occasioned by a political divergence.
