This article analyses the relationship between political youth organisations, music and national identity in contemporary Russia. It focuses on four of the most representative political youth groups present in the city of St. Petersburg – the Young Guard, the National Bolsheviks, the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI), and Oborona [Defence] – and describes their conceptualisation of post-Soviet Russianness, as captured through an analysis of their lyrics. The main contribution of this empirical study is the detection of convergences and divergences with regard to the national identity issue characterising youth organisations that position themselves diff erently in the Russian political spectrum.
The study seeking to understand the participation of female youth in active politics in Zimbabwe was influenced by the desire in some of the female youth to participate actively only to face unending challenges socially, politically and economically. The study was conducted in the form of a survey using questionnaires administered to 200 participants purposively sampled in Chitungwiza's four residential Units with each contributing 50 female participants. Analysis of data was conducted using 'Framework', a qualitative analytic method which assisted to comprehend internal meanings of the participants' responses and presenting them qualitatively. The study established that while Zimbabwe has various instruments for the promotion of women involvement in politics, the political terrain is defined by several social, economic and cultural barriers. The study identified some of the factors driving female youth into politics and some hindering their participation. It was established that areas with higher levels of election-related persecution are more exposed to politics and higher levels of wanting to participate in political developments. It was noted that female youth who had experienced violence are more probable than non-affected youth to turn out to be effective politicians and to realise the importance of elections.
This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.
Purpose: There is an impact analysis presented, which explores the long-term effect of extra-curricular political youth education from the perspective of participants. Methods: The former participants retell their own education and life stories about five years later. Life stories were then interpreted in the course of research workshops and reconstructed as individual studies.Findings: The impact analysis generated a typology of biographical sustainability and shows the effects of political youth education by means of single case analysis and case comprehensive topics.
Political participatlon has become very popular in recent years. Youth participation, in particular, has gained importance because politicians pay more attention to the participation of the youth, After the 1950s, the age oİ enfranchisement in most countries of the world decreased from twenty-one to eighteen. ln terms of pluralistic democracy, this change can be interpreted as an achievement. A pluralistic democracy collaborates with political elites. The public remains informed by the media, and their function is to Vote for a government. Under this system, the main concern is stability-if the system is stable, democracy will be successful. However, many critical scholars of democracy think that this assumption of a pluralistic democracy produces apathy among the masses. Apathy is a great danger to democracy. ln fact, scholars of pIuralistic democracy have always been aware of this apathy; they have only recently atfirmed it. Thus, my assumption is that the youth's apathy, in particular, is affirmed by the political system itself. The youth's role is restricted to voting, Moreover, the media plays an important role in shaping the people's attitude toward youth participation, What is the role of the media at this point? ln a democratic country, the media's main function is to keep the people informed. This view was criticized through research that focused on the media ownershıp, media logic, the strategic use of media technologies, and so on. ln this study, l want to focus on the framing effect that the media has on public opinion. l wish to study the framing effect as a descriptive tool. By using the episodic effect, the media can focus on partlcular aspects ot the youth's political participation. The media represents poljtical movements of the youth in a negative light, and thiS is considered a guide to being a 'normal' student, The media never examines the ways in which the youth can be more involved in the political environment of a country. l also analyse episodic framing practised by the print media in Turkey wıth respect to the political protests of the youth. My assumption is that the medıa supports the political system by encouraging political apathy among the youth. ln Turkey, the average age of participants of movements is between eighteen and twenty-one years (university students). The media labels the young people who participate in social movements'guilty', l studied print media news reports on a student protest held at the Ankara University's Faculty of Political Science on 8 December 2010. The students were protesting against a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Burhan Kuzu; some Students even threw eggs at him, The press paid great attention to this event. For this purpose, l have employed the framing effect technique to analyse the three most popular news reports in Turkey for a week in December 2010 in an attempt to understand the relationship between youth participation and the framing etfect ol the media, ln brief, these reports declared the protesters terrorists and enemies of the public.
Objective: identification of possible areas of institutional impact on the state of civil and political youth subjectivity due to the processes of the development of the state youth policy strategy in the Republic of Belarus. Methods: structural and functional, institutional, comparative. Results. A number of practice-oriented proposals to improve the mechanisms of state youth policy, revealing the ways to enhance the institutionalized inclusion of the young generation as full-fledged subjects in these processes have been outlined. Conclusion. The processes of formation of "Strategy of State Youth Policy in the Republic of Belarus for 2020-2030" provide a "window of opportunity" to enhance the civil and political subjectivity of young people through their inclusion in the institutionalized socially significant decision - making procedures and allocation of program resources. ; Цель: выявление возможных направлений институционального воздействия на состояние гражданско-политической субъектности молодежи в связи с начавшимися в Республике Беларусь процессами разработки стратегии государственной молодежной политики. Методы: структурно-функциональный, институциональный, сравнительный. Результаты. Изложен ряд практико-ориентированных предложений по совершенствованию механизмов государственной молодежной политики, раскрывающих способы расширения институализированного включения в данные процессы представителей молодого поколения в статусе их полноправных субъектов. Заключение. Процессы формирования «Стратегии государственной молодежной политики в Республике Беларусь на 2020–2030 годы» предоставляют «окно возможностей» для расширения гражданской и политической субъектности молодых людей путем их включения в институализированные процедуры принятия социально значимых решений и распределения программных ресурсов.
This book analyses the relationship between youth and participation, looking specifically at those repertories of involvement that are commonly clustered under the concept of "unconventional political participation". The author focuses on the connections between youth practices of participation and youth conditions in contemporary society. Drawing from the analysis of three ethnographic case studies conducted on experiences of youth participation in Italy and Sweden, the circumstances and the reasons leading young people to express their political ideas through forms of engagement located outside the realm of "formal politics" are explored. The book seeks to bring back the specificities of contemporary youth at the centre of the analysis of youth practices of participation, highlighting their often overlooked socio-historical and generational 'situatedness'.
Not many young people actively participate in or take part directly in political contestation and become part of the success of winning the contest. In this paper, it reveals the strategies of the youth to win political contestation and become a member of the DPRD of Medan City for the period 20142019, within the scope of a democratic system and succeeded in becoming one of the elected parts to represent the community in the regional legislature. The purpose of this paper is to encourage more democratic political development in increasing the participation of young groups in developing their regions. The methodology used in this paper is a qualitative approach that produces descriptive data.
India is a very "young country" it is anticipated that fifty four percent of our inhabitants is belo w the age of 25 and rest is trying to look that way which made them important segment, and hope of the future of our country lies upon them. However youth of character, intelligence, self sacrificing can shape thedestiny of the nation. Youth devoid of energy, suffering from inertia and dullness, without bravery and mental vitality are bound to lead us nowhere. Before 1947 the value based leadership channelizes the energy and power of youth in a good way and made our country free from colonial rule. And the first Lok Sabha election were held 1952 largely the young freedom fighters jumped into the electoral contests to contribute in national building task. Since then youth participation in politics and governance has declined steadily because of certain obstacles.
The article analyzes approaches to the study of the concept of youth as an actor in political processes. The sociopolitical process is a complex phenomenon that involves many diff erent legal and physical entities and actors. Democratic tendencies, pluralism of opinions, diversity of forms of participation of citizens, including young people, in socio-political and spiritual life and their institutionalization allow us to speak about the existence of various types of youth associations and structures designed to perform important functions in society and the state.
This survey aims at explaining the most important reasons which lead to the political alienation for the young and the most important results of this kind of alienation. To achieve the aims of this survey a sample of 393 male and female students was chosen from the humanity and science facilities for the acadenuc year 2009/2010. The survey reached the following results :there are statistical differences due to faculty, family income variables of political alienation, its results and suggested solutions; there are also statistical differences due to sex variable of political allienation and its suggested solutions. It is recommended to spread cultural challenge, to develop the programmes of parties, encourage students for political participation, to enhance the political awareness among young, and to open discussion of political matters.
The article discusses the role of youth organizations of political parties in the political socialization of young people during the 2020 parliamentary elections in Georgia. In-depth interviews with young representatives of 9 political entities (which crossed the 1% threshold) revealed opportunities for political socialization of youth. It was found that political parties in their ranks do little to encourage young people to develop politically and develop their political careers from youth organizations of political parties.In today's political parties, there is a practical attitude towards the members of youth organizations, which leads to the nihilistic attitude of the youth towards the parties and politics in general, which is why they often leave the party. The pre-election activities of the youth organizations of the parties during the 2020 parliamentary elections were different from the activities of the post-election period. It has been found that the number of young people in the youth wing has dropped dramatically since the election due to a reduction in resources or initiatives by the party.
AbstractYouth in politics can be a creative force, a dynamic source of innovation which in turn brings positive changes in political systems. But today's youth is neither deeply apathetic nor unconventionally engaged in mainstream politics due to its complex nature. This decreasing level of youth participation in politics not only endangers the quality of leadership but also jeopardizes the democracy of tomorrow. By using qualitative and quantitative data this study explored the trend of youth engagement and their disconnection with the current political systems. This study aimed to observe how the youth is unbundling the traditional concept of state power and identify the reasons for their non-engagement in politics which eventually challenges the political system of Bangladesh.
The aim of this dissertation is to increase knowledge of political efficacy,both theoretically and empirically. A thorough theoretical discussion iscombined with empirical studies of the development of political efficacy and of its effects on political participation. The results are also discussed in the light of political equality. In three papers, quantitative data on Swedish adolescents are analyzed. The first paper discusses what political efficacy actually entails. Based on an overview of previous research, a merged multidisciplinary perspective with a focus on people's beliefs in their capacities to perform political actions is presented. Four main pathways concerning how youths gain political efficacy are tested. The second paper's main question is whether, and in which ways, schools can help students gain political efficacy. In the light of political equality, it reflects upon the individual and societal effects of potential gains in youths' political efficacy. The third paper scrutinizes the effects of political efficacy on political participation. In addition, the combinations of having political efficacy beliefs, and political knowledge or interest, are tested in order to explore potential interaction (leverage) effects. Altogether, this dissertation presents a more refined and stringent view on political efficacy. It further clarifies the concept itself, which may aid clearer, more coherent, and less ambiguous research. It also provides an input into an existing framework for understanding the development of youths' political efficacy. Finally, it finds that political efficacy seems to work as a lever for participation. Combined with political interest, it facilitatesthe transformation of psychological engagement into political action. The findings will inform discussion on the implications of stimulating youths' political efficacy to promote political participation and political equality. By boosting political efficacy along various pathways – in part independently of socioeconomic status – political equality may be promoted by benefiting the least advantaged.
Election campaigns are regular opportunities for heightened political engagement and socialization. For many young people, politics becomes most visible and concrete during electoral contests. However, campaign media, at least in the United States, typically have not targeted young voters with messages that enhance their participation and turnout. In fact, much traditional election media coverage of youth has emphasized their lack of interest and involvement, and thus works to discourage the development of activist political orientations. With the evolution of new types of dynamic and populist media formats, such as blogs and social/political networking websites, young people have greater opportunities to establish a presence in election campaigns on their own terms. This piece will explore how new developments in campaign media are changing the relationship of young people to the electoral process.
