Politics as Sex: Gender and Political Youth Activism in Putin's Russia
In: APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper
In: APSA 2012 Annual Meeting Paper
SSRN
Working paper
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 353-376
ISSN: 0966-8136
In: Europe Asia studies, Band 54, Heft 3, S. 353-375
ISSN: 1465-3427
In: Party politics: an international journal for the study of political parties and political organizations, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 527-539
ISSN: 1460-3683
This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.
This study compares members of political youth organisations and explains variations in material incentives for enrolment using both organisation-level and individual-level factors. Empirically, it is based on a web survey of about 3,000 members of eight Swedish youth organisations. The analysis shows that young people have a complex combination of concerns, with the main dividing line being whether or not material incentives are important. At the organisational level, the prevalence of material incentives among members is positively related to the size of the mother party and whether it has government experience. Further, we find a positive association between material incentives and economic dependence on the part of the youth organisation on its mother party. At the individual level, we find that members who see the main role of the youth organisation as being to provide support for the mother party and for those politically aligned with it are more likely to have material motives for their enrolment.
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In: Post-soviet affairs, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 232-261
ISSN: 1060-586X
World Affairs Online
Purpose: There is an impact analysis presented, which explores the long-term effect of extra-curricular political youth education from the perspective of participants. Methods: The former participants retell their own education and life stories about five years later. Life stories were then interpreted in the course of research workshops and reconstructed as individual studies.Findings: The impact analysis generated a typology of biographical sustainability and shows the effects of political youth education by means of single case analysis and case comprehensive topics.
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In: Diskurs Kindheits- und Jugendforschung / Discourse. Journal of Childhood and Adolescence Research, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 403-416
"Die politische Netzaktivistenbewegung ist eine wissenschaftlich bisher wenig untersuchte Bewegung. Erst allmählich rückt die Bewegung in das Blickfeld, nicht zuletzt aufgrund der steigenden Bedeutung des Internets, für dessen Freiheit die Bewegung eintritt. Der Beitrag möchte diese politische Bewegung theoretisch, basierend auf der kritischen Technologie Theorie, deuten und empirisch etwas fassbarer machen. Hierbei soll auch geklärt werden, ob die Bewegung mit einer spezifischen Jugendkultur bzw. - szene einhergeht und wie sich die Transnationalität der Bewegung darstellt. Für den empirischen Zugang werden Daten aus einem Survey mit Jugendlichen sowie Material aus qualitativen Interviews mit jungen Netzaktivsten verwendet." (Autorenreferat)
Objective: identification of possible areas of institutional impact on the state of civil and political youth subjectivity due to the processes of the development of the state youth policy strategy in the Republic of Belarus. Methods: structural and functional, institutional, comparative. Results. A number of practice-oriented proposals to improve the mechanisms of state youth policy, revealing the ways to enhance the institutionalized inclusion of the young generation as full-fledged subjects in these processes have been outlined. Conclusion. The processes of formation of "Strategy of State Youth Policy in the Republic of Belarus for 2020-2030" provide a "window of opportunity" to enhance the civil and political subjectivity of young people through their inclusion in the institutionalized socially significant decision - making procedures and allocation of program resources. ; Цель: выявление возможных направлений институционального воздействия на состояние гражданско-политической субъектности молодежи в связи с начавшимися в Республике Беларусь процессами разработки стратегии государственной молодежной политики. Методы: структурно-функциональный, институциональный, сравнительный. Результаты. Изложен ряд практико-ориентированных предложений по совершенствованию механизмов государственной молодежной политики, раскрывающих способы расширения институализированного включения в данные процессы представителей молодого поколения в статусе их полноправных субъектов. Заключение. Процессы формирования «Стратегии государственной молодежной политики в Республике Беларусь на 2020–2030 годы» предоставляют «окно возможностей» для расширения гражданской и политической субъектности молодых людей путем их включения в институализированные процедуры принятия социально значимых решений и распределения программных ресурсов.
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In: Sociological Studies of Children and Youth Ser. v.16
This volume critically examines the multiple and contested meanings of ideal citizenship and reveal how children and youth craft active citizenship as they encounter and respond to the various institutions and organizations designed to encourage their civic and political development.
In: Frontiers in political science, Band 2
ISSN: 2673-3145
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 23-39
ISSN: 0033-362X
A sample (N = 339) of young eligible voters (age 21-24), in Cambridge, Mass., were surveyed to determine factors influencing the liberal ideology, usually observable among younger voters. The community is largely Democratic. 'Agreement on candidate and party choice is highest between the young person and his family (parents and spouse), next highest with his friends, and least high with his fellow-workers.' Lower SE groups are more likely to reject parents' politics where strict discipline prevailed. Upward mobiles tend to adopt politics of the group into which they have moved, while downward mobiles remain Republican. Ideology of the upward mobile remains with group of origin, while the downward mobile adopt parts of ideology of their new class. Educated youth are more likely to change voting patterns, and to adopt an ideology that comports with voting; the less educated appear not to require consistency on this score. I. F. Lukoff.
In: Public opinion quarterly: journal of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Band 18, Heft 1
ISSN: 0033-362X
Political participatlon has become very popular in recent years. Youth participation, in particular, has gained importance because politicians pay more attention to the participation of the youth, After the 1950s, the age oİ enfranchisement in most countries of the world decreased from twenty-one to eighteen. ln terms of pluralistic democracy, this change can be interpreted as an achievement. A pluralistic democracy collaborates with political elites. The public remains informed by the media, and their function is to Vote for a government. Under this system, the main concern is stability-if the system is stable, democracy will be successful. However, many critical scholars of democracy think that this assumption of a pluralistic democracy produces apathy among the masses. Apathy is a great danger to democracy. ln fact, scholars of pIuralistic democracy have always been aware of this apathy; they have only recently atfirmed it. Thus, my assumption is that the youth's apathy, in particular, is affirmed by the political system itself. The youth's role is restricted to voting, Moreover, the media plays an important role in shaping the people's attitude toward youth participation, What is the role of the media at this point? ln a democratic country, the media's main function is to keep the people informed. This view was criticized through research that focused on the media ownershıp, media logic, the strategic use of media technologies, and so on. ln this study, l want to focus on the framing effect that the media has on public opinion. l wish to study the framing effect as a descriptive tool. By using the episodic effect, the media can focus on partlcular aspects ot the youth's political participation. The media represents poljtical movements of the youth in a negative light, and thiS is considered a guide to being a 'normal' student, The media never examines the ways in which the youth can be more involved in the political environment of a country. l also analyse episodic framing practised by the print media in Turkey wıth respect to the political protests of the youth. My assumption is that the medıa supports the political system by encouraging political apathy among the youth. ln Turkey, the average age of participants of movements is between eighteen and twenty-one years (university students). The media labels the young people who participate in social movements'guilty', l studied print media news reports on a student protest held at the Ankara University's Faculty of Political Science on 8 December 2010. The students were protesting against a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Burhan Kuzu; some Students even threw eggs at him, The press paid great attention to this event. For this purpose, l have employed the framing effect technique to analyse the three most popular news reports in Turkey for a week in December 2010 in an attempt to understand the relationship between youth participation and the framing etfect ol the media, ln brief, these reports declared the protesters terrorists and enemies of the public.
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Political participation is an important factor in democracy. For this reason, there are various types of election systems in the usages of many countries. It seems that, election systems do not make voters to cast their votes on the day of election, if those people are not interested in politics. Albania is considered a country that has a type of democratic transition which needs to have political participation and interest of its youth in order to establish a solid and strong democratic tradition in the country. This paper examines the youth` s views on political participation and interest in politics in Albania. The results are important and demonstrate that the university students are keen on politics. This is very important for the future of Albanian democracy. The results have been compared with other countries in order to understand the phenomenon of political interest of the target group. Further, the democratic transition and evolving tradition of Albanian politics are encouraging. Therefore, this paper concludes that Albania may have a better future, if the youth involved in politics and political activities more and see youth in the political parties and in the parliament. DOI:10.5901/ajis.2014.v3n6p251
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