Some issues have title: Administration report on the Persian Gulf Political Residency and Maskat Political Agency for . ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Reprint. Originally published annually: Calcutta : Printed by the Supt. of Govt. Print., India, 1888-1909. (1887-88-1906-07: Selections from the records of the Government of India, Foreign Department) (1887-88-1906-07: Foreign Department serial). With issue for 1909, continued by: Persian Gulf Political Residency. Administration report of the Persian Gulf Political Residency for the year .
The paper discusses how revolutionaries must comprehend how the sudden shift in the political situation at the aftermath of the February revolution to prepare refinements in revolutionary strategy and utilize new forms of struggle. The fascist rule was replaced by a bourgeois democratic regime overnight, which made such promises: the new democratic republic will represent the interests of all classes equally; free competition of ideologies and political programs; naked force will not be the main instrument of political rule, and so on. The Communist Party has yet to qualitatively rebound from the loss of political momentum it suffered as a result of the boycott blunder. To regain initiative, the Party must enrich its understanding of the specific characteristics of the Philippine revolutionary process, wherein the framework of national struggle is against imperialism. History necessitated that the struggle against fascism and for a democratic government be pursued as a substage in the national democratic struggle – a transition form for eventual political dominance which in turn is the basis to proceed step-by-step to socialist transformation. The Party must determine the form of struggle most appropriate to the prevailing conditions. In this case, from armed struggle there is a need to shift to the unarmed form as a means to educate the masses, through their own political experience, ultimately seize revolutionary power by force. The paper proposes strategy and tactics to approach political negotiations with the current conditions and as well as an alternative to the peace negotiations.
We provide a justification for political liberalism's Reciprocity Principle, which states that political decisions must be justified exclusively on the basis of considerations that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept. The standard argument for the Reciprocity Principle grounds it in a requirement of respect for persons. We argue for a different, but compatible, justification: the Reciprocity Principle is justified because it makes possible a desirable kind of political community. The general endorsement of the Reciprocity Principle, we will argue, helps realize joint political rule and relationships of civic friendship. The main obstacle to the realization of these values is the presence of reasonable disagreement about religious, moral, and philosophical issues characteristic of liberal societies. We show the Reciprocity Principle helps to overcome this obstacle.
This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.
An account of evil in classical political theory is the concept of evil government. The notion of political decay from good to evil government or to anarchy, the absence of government, among classical political theorists represents both a moral and a political problem. This essay argues that political decay remains a perennial problem because the political condition itself involves the seeds to its own destruction. Moreover, it is claimed that the nostalgic longing to a glorious past for nations or peoples risks turning into what is here labelled 'political arcadianism', fostering futile attempts to return to past conditions. The argument is that political arcadianism when focusing on the imagined past rather than the present is a possible cause of political decay.
Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions. Political interests and goals are reflected in certain values and orientations that create a functional model of political life. Such a model of political life is called a political system, which is a space of its own institutional and value orientation. Structural and functional features of politics and political space are determined by value and normatively oriented dimensions
There is one area that political theory has barely begun to probe: what makes political thought political? Not ethical, not philosophical, not historical, but political. What kind of everyday thinking is entitled to be called political thinking, and how should we, as scholars, try and make sense of such thinking? I take the political concept as the basic unit of political thinking—and by "concept" I mean a unit of meaning and of understanding that is incorporated in a unit of language, a signifier. The meeting of "concept" and of "politics" creates two dynamics in opposite directions. The first dynamic infuses thinking with the inescapable characteristics of concepts in general. Concepts are ambiguous, indeterminate, vague, and inconclusive. Ipso facto, political thought will necessarily display those components as well, and I have dealt with that question recently. The second, addressed here, identifies central features of the political, and then explores the manner in which language—as thought, text, speech, and non-verbal expression—discharges those features, and the manner in which concepts carry specifically political import. They do so in two ways: either through special attributes that are plainly political, or through the substantive issues they address. Because human interaction and thought always have a political dimension, whether significant or trivial, some fundamental features of political concepts are universal in a macro sense, while at the same time having particular manifestations at different times and places.
Political culture is a very specific type of spiritual culture of society. The political culture includes, expresses the formation of a mechanism for purposeful political activity, the regulation of political relations.
Includes: Constitution of the Canadian Political Science Association. ; Date from text. ; Cover title. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44
Vols. 4-38, 40-41 include Record of political events, Oct. 1, 1888-Dec. 31, 1925 (issued as a separately paged supplement to no. 3 of v. 31-38 and to no. 1 of v. 40) ; Microfilm. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Issued by the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, 1909- ; by the Academy of Political Science, Edited by the Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University ; Vols. 1-15, 1886-1900. 1 v; Vols. 1-30, 1886-1915. 1 v.; Vols. 1-45, 1886-1930. 1 v.; Vols. 46-65, 1931-50. 1 v ; NEWS; MICROFILM 21252: See call no. H1 P8 for MAIN holdings on paper for this title. ; MAIN; AQ P66: Includes reprint editions when original not available ; SCP weekly serials 2007/2008. ; UPD
One of the tales told about American political parties is that Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, desiring to create an institution uniting sup-porters of their beliefs about the means and ends of government, set off from their Virginia plantations on what was described to inquisitive journalists as an expedition to gather botanical specimens. Instead of collecting specimens, however, they are alleged to have created the original specimen of the modern political party.
Michel Foucault's and John Rawls' respective contributions to political philosophy appear to have little in common. Foucault gives an insistently descriptive account of the reality of the political domain; Rawls focusses on normative questions of how it ideally might be. To the extent that the two thinkers are juxtaposed, such juxtaposition is generally used to highlight their differences. Foucault's arguments are characteristically taken to show Rawls' preoccupation with consensus and legitimacy to be politically problematic. This thesis pursues the suspicion that there is more positive ground for comparison between Rawls and Foucault than this prima facie assessment would allow. I claim that there are substantive and deep-seated congruences between Rawlsian and Foucaultian conceptual apparatuses. However, to vindicate this claim I take an indirect route. I start within the debates around Rawls' later work. In this way I motivate a certain reading of this work which is justified in its own right, rather than being justified by the desire to force Rawls into Foucaultian categories. Having established this reading of Rawls with reference to immanent Rawlsian criteria, I develop the striking parallels which obtain between Rawls' and Foucault's historical conceptions of political normativity. In light of this commonality, it becomes possible to understand their respective practice as intellectuals in terms of a shared strategy to privilege democracy over truth.
No meetings held 1914-1929. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Papers for 1935- published in: The Canadian journal of economics and political science. ; Description based on: Vol. 2 (1930).
As a new concept in the research of political party, political culture has its unique content, function and characteristics, which are different from any other culture organizations. It confines and influences the existence, development and realization degree of political democracy (refers to democracy inside political parties in particular). The essay analyzes how traditional political cultures enhanced and hindered political democracy and proposes to construct a new political culture that features openness, democracy, law, weakening ideology, and web-relationship to promote the development and realization of political democracy. The essay also points out that such a construction of political culture should be approached from the establishment of Political Parties Act, the revolution of traditional pyramid organization and rights organization, the establishment of democratic systems and programs inside political parties and the cultivation of democratic spirits. Key words: political culture, political democracy, realization approaches Résumé: La culture de parti, un nouveau concept dans les recherches de parti, revêt des connotations, fonctions et caractéristiques différentes des autres cultures organisationnelles. Elle conditionne l'existence, le développement et le niveau de réalisation de la démocratie de parti( on se réfère particulièrement à la démocratie intérieure du parti ). Le présent article analyse les rôles positifs et négatifs de la culture de parti traditionnelle sur la démocratie de parti et propose de construire, sous les angles de la création de la « Loi de parti », la réforme de la structure organisationnelle traditionnelle en pyramide et de la structure de pouvoir, l'établissement du système démocratique du parti et de son processus, la formation de l'esprit démocratique, une nouvelle culture de parti caractérisée par l'ouverture, la démocratie, la gérance selon la loi, l'affaiblissement idéologique et la relation en réseau dans le but de promouvoir le développement et la réalisation de la démocratie de parti. Mots-clés: culture de parti, démocratie de parti, moyen de réalisation 摘要:政黨文化作為政黨研究中一個新概念,具有不同于其他組織文化的內涵、功能和特點。它制約和影響著政黨民主(特指政黨內部民主)的存在、發展和實現程度。文章分析傳統政黨文化對政黨民主的促進和阻礙,提出從《政黨法》的創建,傳統金字塔型組織結構、權力結構的變革,政黨內部民主制度及程式的建立,民主精神的培育等方面入手,構建以開放,民主、法治、意識形態弱化、網路狀關係為特徵的新型政黨文化,以促進政黨民主的發展和實現。 關鍵詞:政黨文化;政黨民主;實現途徑