Suchergebnisse

Indignation in the political discourse has a long rhetoric tradition because of its moral aspect. This article focuses on the discursive construction of this emotion by French politicians in their communiqué posted on officials websites and on their twitter. It will be asked (1) how expression of indignation affects discursive structure, (2) how it can be inferred referring to our stereotypes, (3) how the emotional involvement contributes to positive ethos of politicians. Our analysis is based on the study of emotion in discourse proposed by Ch. Plantin (2011), the notion of subjectivity in language (C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) and the concept of ethos D. Maingueneau (1999). ; Indignation in the political discourse has a long rhetoric tradition because of its moral aspect. This article focuses on the discursive construction of this emotion by French politicians in their communiqué posted on officials websites and on their twitter. It will be asked (1) how expression of indignation affects discursive structure, (2) how it can be inferred referring to our stereotypes, (3) how the emotional involvement contributes to positive ethos of politicians. Our analysis is based on the study of emotion in discourse proposed by Ch. Plantin (2011), the notion of subjectivity in language (C. Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1980) and the concept of ethos D. Maingueneau (1999).

Women's low rate of participation at the highest levels of politics is a recurrent topic in the gender studies literature. Romanian historiography is not very generous in this regard. The present study proposes an introduction to a survey on the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature in Romania. In order to understand the complexity of structural, economic, political, and ideological factors, it is necessary to start with an analysis of the trajectories that allowed women to reach a high political position: a seat in the national Parliament. For this purpose, the article examines several types of sources (official CVs, personal blogs, as well as fragments from interviews conducted with 11 women members of Parliament during the 2004-2008 legislature) in order to address the following questions: Who are the women politicians during the 2004-2008 legislature? Which are the efficient resources for a successful political career? What is women politicians' subjective perspective on their access to politics and on their political success? This first inquiry, part of a larger research, intends to identify the explanatory reasons regarding women politicians' role and status; the functioning of the selection procedures within political parties; and the practices related to political "power".

Does a politician's appearance, visual representation, during a televised debate influence voters' evaluations of her performance? Does the listening context of the debate impact a voter's capacity to identify a clear winner? Are political sophistication & partisanship strong barriers to the potential effects of politicians' images on voters' evaluations of their performance? Adding a Canadian perspective to the ongoing theoretical debate on the actual impact of leaders' visual representation in televised debates on voter preferences, launched in 1960 by preliminary assesments of the first Kennedy-Nixon debate, this article presents data collected during an experiment conducted with a sample of Quebec voters during the broadcast of the French language leaders' debate of the 2000 Canadian federal election. The study shows that the leaders' visual representation during the debate & the listening context of the event bring voters to evaluate politicians participating in the broadcast differently & play on voters' capacity to easily identify a clear winner of the televised confrontation. Furthermore, our analysis indicates that partisanship is a strong barrier to the effect of visual representation in voters' evaluations of the leaders but that political sophistication, contrary to theoretical expectations, is not. Like verbal arguments brought forward by the politicians in a televised debate, their visual representation also carries information cues that help define voters' evaluations of the leaders participating in the broadcast. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

L'analyse phénoménologique du silence de l'écrivain gabonais conduit à ce questionnement. Celui qui vit dans la crainte des représailles des politiques aurait-il transmis à ces derniers la même phobie?

Cet article présent les rapports entre discours et image autour de l'homme politique. On y trouvera la discussion sur le discrédit de la parole et le triomphe de l'image politiques, des positions qui mettent en évidence pas seulement l'image de soi du politique constitutif à son discours, mais aussi l'instauration des tyrannies de l'image de soi. Par là, le visage aura lieu en se fixant comme exhibition de l'intimité, un examen de la physiognomonie dans un spectacle politique. Bref, image et langage produiront une politique de la vérité.MOTS-CLÉS: Parole politique. Image de soi. Discours.RESUMO Este artigo apresenta as relações entre discurso e imagem em torno do homem político. Aqui encontraremos a discussão sobre o descrédito da fala e o triunfo da imagem de políticos, das posições que colocam em evidência não somente a imagem de si do político constitutivo a seu discurso, mas também a instauração das tiranias da imagem de si. Com isso, o rosto tomará lugar ao se fixar como exibição da intimidade, um exame da fisiognomonia em um espetáculo político. Em resumo, imagem e linguagem produzirão uma política da verdade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Fala política. Imagem de si. Discurso

Before World War 1, French painter Léon Bonnat became famous by portraying celebrities, among which almost every leading politician in the newly founded Republic. His academic and dark style however was criticized by art critics and humourists; hence his portraits put on stage in character comedies have to be read as critics of the very people they represent and of himself as an official artist.

Before World War 1, French painter Léon Bonnat became famous by portraying celebrities, among which almost every leading politician in the newly founded Republic. His academic and dark style however was criticized by art critics and humourists; hence his portraits put on stage in character comedies have to be read as critics of the very people they represent and of himself as an official artist.

This thesis describes the morphological behavior of anthroponyms—i.e., proper names referring to human beings—as bases of morphological construction. We analyze specific deanthroponyms which are words morphologically based on the proper names of contemporary French political figures (e.g., François Fillon > fillonophobe `fillonophobic'). We rely on a corpus of about 6,500 complex words (50,000 different contexts) from the Web. We perform the morphological analysis of each deanthroponym, which is then recorded in the database MoNoPoli (Mots construits sur noms propres de Personnalité Politique `words based on politician proper names'). Compared to the standard institutionalized lexicon, MoNoPoli's deanthroponyms are original. They usually reflect the opinions of their inventors about political figures. For this purpose, these speakers create forms that can be described as nonce-formations. Examining the morphological constructions listed in MoNoPoLi reflects this originality and reveals a wealth of processes, from the most regular (e.g., Emmanuel Macron > macronisme `macronism') to more atypical (e.g., Marine Le Pen > marinite `marinitis'). Our analysis shows that the anthroponym does not correspond to the definitions of the units manipulated in morphology, morpheme or lexeme. Anthroponyms bring together a set of lexical units called sub-names (at least the first name, the last name and the full name) which share a syntactic category and a bipartite semantic component comprising a denominative instructional meaning and a stereotypic meaning. Since the units manipulated in morphology are insufficient to account for the anthroponym and its dimensions, no model of morphology has the properties required to describe the deanthroponymic lexicon. This entails that the conditions of formation of the units of the general lexicon are not (entirely) applicable to the deanthroponymic lexicon: the form of a derivative of a political figure's proper name is conditioned not only by formal or lexical constraints, but ...

De plus en plus de médias, partout dans le monde, disposent de rubriques ou chroniques de fact-checking. Elles visent notamment à vérifier la véracité de propos tenus par des responsables politiques dans l'espace public. En France, où il a longtemps été assez inhabituel de mettre en cause aussi directement la parole des politiques, ces rubriques créent de nouveaux modes relationnels, potentiellement conflictuels entre les journalistes eux-mêmes au sein des rédactions et entre journalistes et politiques, tandis que ces derniers s'attachent à contourner les risques de la vérification de leurs propos pour continuer à véhiculer leur discours à l'attention du grand public. ; Throughout the world, more and more media outlets are making use of sections or columns that provide fact checking. Their purpose is to verify the truth of statements, especially those made by politicians in the public sphere. In France, where it has long been unusual to question the speech of politicians so directly, these fact-checking efforts are creating new and potentially contentious modes of relating; they are doing so not only among journalists who work in the same newsrooms, but also between journalists and politicians. Such politicians seek to limit the risks introduced when their statements are checked, so that they can continue to convey their messages to the public.