Politics and Religion ; Política como religión
Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41 ; Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41
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Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41 ; Revista Perspectivas del Desarrollo Vol.2(2) 2013; 13-41
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Political science is in same time old and young science. Old, if we have in mind politics as subject of research, and young if we think about institutions in which politics is only subject of research or education. Having in mind religion as subject of political science research, we can easily conclude that all books in early history of mankind, which were dedicated to political topics, had for the first subject religion. That is clear if we remember that first forms of political organizations in old Babylon, Egypt and Israel are inseparable connected with gods. Gods gave legitimacy to those states. But so political science institutions in generally so political sciences of religions, or politologie des religions in French, was born late. The first subjects of research in political sciences institutions were: state, political regimes, political parties, theory of politics, political systems, etc. Religion was studied very rarely. Modern political science was born under influence of French intellectuals: Diderot, Rousseau, Voltaire etc. They considered that religion will disappear with education and development. Their compatriot Alexis de Tocqueville thought contrary to their prognosis. The time gave right to Tocqueville. In the second part of XX century when the world development was the highest, religion maintained its position in big part of globe and became stronger in a lot of states. That created big challenge for political science. Many of political scientists started with research concerning influence of religion into politics. That create, as the first step, centres for research of relations among religion and politics as is labaratoire RELIGION ET POLITIQUE at Institute d'etudes politiques in Paris or l'Observatoire du Religieux at Institut d'etudes politique in Aix EN Provence en Frence, and finally that created special scientific discipline among political sciences which name is Religion and politics, Political Science if Religion, Politologie of Religion or Politologie des religions in French. Politologia della religione in italien or Religionspolitologie in German.Key words: Religion, Politics, Political Science, Development, Lecturing
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Recent years have seen a growing literature on the interactions between peace, politics and religion, including their diverse and often complex relationships. Underpinning this literature is an increase, more generally, in scholarly and policy interest in connections between religion and politics. The context is that over the last three decades, religion has made a remarkable return to prominence in various academic literatures, including sociology, political science and international relations. This was a surprise to many social scientists and confounded the expectations of both secularization theorists and secularists. In addition, religion retained a strong, some say growing, significance as a core source of identity for billions of people around the world. Numerous religious leaders and faith-based organizations are important carriers and focal points of religious ideas, playing an important role in many countries, both developed and developing, as well as internationally, including at the United Nations and to a lesser, although still notable extent, in the European Union and other regional organizations. This introductory article examines interactions between religious entities in relation to peace and conflict and sets the scene for the articles comprising this volume.
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Recent years have seen a growing literature on the interactions between peace, politics and religion, including their diverse and often complex relationships. Underpinning this literature is an increase, more generally, in scholarly and policy interest in connections between religion and politics. The context is that over the last three decades, religion has made a remarkable return to prominence in various academic literatures, including sociology, political science and international relations. This was a surprise to many social scientists and confounded the expectations of both secularization theorists and secularists. In addition, religion retained a strong, some say growing, significance as a core source of identity for billions of people around the world. Numerous religious leaders and faith-based organizations are important carriers and focal points of religious ideas, playing an important role in many countries, both developed and developing, as well as internationally, including at the United Nations and to a lesser, although still notable extent, in the European Union and other regional organizations. This introductory article examines interactions between religious entities in relation to peace and conflict and sets the scene for the articles comprising this volume.
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Bibliography: p. 214-220. ; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Published also without thesis note. ; Vita. ; Thesis (PH. D.)--Columbia university, 1912. ; Bibliography: p. 214-220. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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ERRATA Versehentlich fehlerhafte Seitenüberschriften sind wie folgt zu ersetzen: S. 7, 9 Juristische Argumente S. 11, 13, 15 Politische Argumente S. 17, 19 Persönliche Argumente S. 53 Sakrale und nichtsakrale Konfiskation im Strafrecht S. 144, 146, 148, 150 Zum Stellenwert der Religion in der Krise Folgende Verweisungen lauten richtig: S. 96, in Anm. 3 > s.u. S. 102 f.; vgl. 115 S. 96, in Anm. 5 > o.S. 49 ff. S. 131, in Anm. 4 > o.S. 49 ff. ; Erscheinungsbild und Ursachen der spätrepublikanischen Krise gelten gerade nach den fruchtbaren Bemühungen der Forschung in den letzten Jahrzehnten als hinreichend reflektiert; in den seltensten Fällen jedoch ist das Sakralwesen in die Betrachtungen einbezogen worden. Die Kultgepflogenheiten der Römer zu dokumentieren, blieb weitgehend Domäne der Religionshistoriker, die sich der Aufgabe in aller Breite und mit geduldiger Hinwendung zum Detail gewidmet haben, so daß auch hier nahezu alle Fragen beantwortet scheinen; bei diesem Ansatz jedoch ist selbst bei zeitlichen Differenzierungen die Bezugnahme auf einhergehende politische Erscheinungen in der Regel vernachlässigt worden. Eine solchermaßen getrennte Betrachtungsweise spiegelt den heutigen Stellenwert von Religion in Staat und Gesellschaft wider, entspricht aber nicht der Auffassung der zu behandelnden historischen Zeit. Aus allen vorliegenden Quellen geht hervor, daß den Römern die Einheit von Staat und Religion eine Selbstverständlichkeit war. Unter Zugrundelegung der Ergebnisse der genannten Forschungsrichtungen und mit dem Augenmerk auf den Interdependenzmerkmalen soll es deshalb im folgenden darum gehen, den religiösen Faktor in Darstellung und Analyse der Krise einzubringen. Im ersten Teil der Untersuchung dient hierzu die ausführliche Beschäftigung mit Ciceros de domo sua. Eine Gesamtinterpretation ist dabei nicht allein deshalb angestrebt, weil die Rede bisher nicht allzu häufig behandelt wurde. Wie an kaum einer anderen Quelle läßt sich an ihr exemplarisch verdeutlichen, wie stark die politische Öffentlichkeit sich auch sakral definierte, in welchem organisatorischen Rahmen dies Ausdruck fand und wie im konkreten parteipolitischen Streitfall Nutzen daraus gezogen werden konnte. In seiner weitgehend politisch geprägten Argumentation angesichts einer zu nächst rein sakralrechtlichen Thematik gewährt Cicero darüber hinaus Ein blicke in den regulativen Umgang mit Tendenzen, die für die res publica über den vorliegenden Einzelfall hinaus problematisch erschienen. Um die auf diversen Ebenen bestehenden Zusammengehörigkeiten besser verdeutlichen zu können, erwies es sich gelegentlich als notwendig, entgegen den Vorgaben der Quelle Erscheinungen des politischen und des sakralen Bereichs zu unterscheiden und zunächst voneinander getrennt aufzuzeigen, wenn dies auch die Darstellung erschwert hat. Im erweiterten Rahmen des zweiten Teils der Arbeit werden alle politisch relevanten sakralrechtlichen Vorgaben aufgegriffen, um die Handhabung kultischer Mittel in den Phasen politischer Auseinandersetzungen bis zum Ende der Republik zu verfolgen und ihre entsprechende Bedeutung zu bestimmen. Ebenso geht es darum, den Zustand der traditionellen Staatsreligion selbst zu kennzeichnen; hierzu werden auch die Priestertümer in die Untersuchung einbezogen. In der Einordnung aller Ergebnisse wird abschließend nach dem Stellenwert des religiösen Wandels im Gesamtzusammenhang der Krise und nach den Möglichkeiten der Problembewältigung gefragt.
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The author undertakes the problem of the identity of Western civilization in the light of a correlation between politics and religion. First, he traces the theoretical debates about the mutual correspondence of politics and religion in ancient Greece. Following two extreme errors depicted by Sophocles in his "Antigone," and by Plato in his "Apology of Socrates," he infers that the "Golden Mean" is necessary in resolving the problem of politics and religion. Then, he examines the underlying errors put forward in the history. His investigations show the erroneousness of endowing either politics or religion with sovereign status in culture. There is always a conflict between politics and religion unless man regains his own sovereignty from them. Ultimately the author arrives at the conclusion that the "Golden Mean" correlating politics and religion distinctly strengthens the identity of the Western Civilization, and consists in respecting all real and universal parameters of human person life, such as cognition, freedom (and responsibility), love, agency in law, ontological sovereignty, and religious dignity. ; Paweł Tarasiewicz
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From the Rice Thresher Archive, a collection of newspaper articles published in the student newspaper for Rice University. Genre: News
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En Andalucía, parece darse una manifiesta disociación entre religión y comportamientos éticos y políticos. Siendo la autonomía que mayor confianza tiene en la Iglesia como institución, cuando fundamenta aspectos como la honradez o el mal, acude primariamente no a explicaciones religiosas sino humanistas; se manifiestan en contra de la prohibición de los anticonceptivos y, casi una mitad, favorable al aborto. En política mayoritariamente votan a un partido que mantiene teórica y prácticamente posiciones contrarias a las de una Iglesia a la que la mayoría de sus votantes dicen pertenecer. Y junto a estas opiniones y comportamientos, aparece el actual auge de celebraciones religiosas populares, que más parecen depender de la organización y comportamientos urbanos de la sociedad de masas que de un nuevo florecimiento del catolicismo entre los andaluces. ; In Andalusia (Spain), there seems to be an manifest dissociation between religion and ethical and political behavior. As the autonomic community with the most trust in the Church as institution, when fundamental aspects like "honesty" or "evil" are presented, they are associated primarily with humanist and not religious explanations; Andalusians are opposed to contraceptive prohibition, and nearly half are in favour of abortion. In politics, they largely vote for the party maintaining theoretical and practical positions against those of the Church, to which most of its voters say they belong. And along with these opinions and behaviors, there is a current flourish in popular religious celebrations, which perhaps depends more on urban organization and behavior in the society of the masses than on a new bloomimg of Catholicism among Andalusians. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada
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Abstract : This research was conducted to reveal the relationship between kiai and politics in its journey in Indonesia. Also, it explores whether the relationship that occurred to be a pattern of religious and political reconciliation. Therefore, it is obvious that the kiai's interaction as a religious figure which holds political power has a principal meaning in bringing peace. Furthermore, it find out whether the kiai's involvement in politics solely for the sake of power itself, or for the benefit of the ummah and humanity. This research collected data by in-depth interviews with kiai who became head of the region, and political observers from universities, also supported by the search of existing literature either online or offline. The findings showed that there are at least five relationship models identified. Furthermore, the relationship became one of the media for the establishment of political harmony which is considered dirty and full of intrigue with religion. Finally, it is suggested that more specific research is required on what factors influencing to be the conservation of political and religious harmony in Indonesia, thus, the involvement of religious leaders/kiai in politics never leads to conflict.الملخص :جري هذا البحث العلمي لجلاء علاقة خاصة بين العلماء و السياسية في إندونيسيا منذ إستقلال هذا البلاد حتى الأن. تبعا لهذ, تستفاد هذا البحث لإلمام نوع هذه العلاقة, أهي كإحدى الوسائل في اتحاد بين الدين و السياسية كالأسس الحياة الوطنية في إندونسيا. و لعلّ بهذا البحث ظهر مباني العلاقة علماء إندونيسيا بقواد السياسية (على قصد قوة السياسية كان أم فردية, أو غيره) في تحصيل إتحاد الجماعة والإجتماعية معنا حقيقيا. جمع هذا البحث البيانات المتنوعة مما يتعلق بهذا البحث و ملاحظة وقيعية. و بجانب ذالك جمع البيانات من كتب و رسائل العلمية بما يتعلق به. و في تفسير البيانات جاء بمقابلات عميقة بالأفراد الذي يعتبر كالعلماء أو القواد السياسي أو المراقب في مجال السياسي. وأما نتيجة لهذا البحث هو هناك خمسة علاقة مهمة التي تأثرت به الموازنة في حياة الإجتماعية أو السياسية في إندونيسيا.Abstrak: Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui relasi yang terjadi antara kiai dan politik dalam perjalanannya dari waktu ke waktu di Indonesia. Hal ini sekaligus untuk mendalami apakah relasi yang terjadi menjadi salah satu pola mendamaikan agama dan politik. Sehingga dengan begitu akan menjadi lebih jelas interaksi kiai sebagai tokoh agama dengan kekuasaan politik, memiliki makna penting dalam perdamaian. Apakah keterlibatan kiai dalam politik semata-mata untuk kepentingan kekuasaan itu sendiri, atau karena kepentingan umat dan kemanusiaan. Penelitian ini mengumpulkan data dengan wawancara mendalam (indeph interview) dengan kiai yang menjadi kepala daerah, dan pengamat politik dari perguruan tinggi, juga ditopang dengan penelusuran literatur yang ada baik yang bersifat daring maupun luring. Dari penelitian yang dilakukan, ditemukan beragam relasi politik dan kiai yang terjadi di Indonesia. Sedikitnya ada lima model relasi yang berhasil diidentifikasi dalam kajian ini. Selanjutnya relasi tersebut menjadi salah satu katalisator bagi terjalinnya harmoni politik yang selama dianggap kotor dan penuh intrik dengan agama yang dianggap suci. Diperlukan penelitian lebih spesifik mengenai faktor apa saja yang akan terus menjadi kelestarian harmoni politik dan agama di Indonesia, sehingga keterlibatan tokoh agama, kiai dalam politik tidak pernah berujung pada konflik.
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La India se caracteriza por ser un país donde coexisten múltiples religiones. Los ideólogos del proyecto nacional, considerando esta pluralidad, instauraron un Estado constitucionalmente secular, que protegiera a las minorías frente a la mayoría hindú, y así permitir el desarrollo armónico y unitario de la nueva nación. Más allá de las intenciones, la política india ha tenido que hacer frente a diversos problemas de orden religioso. Este artículo trata sobre las principales relaciones entre religión y política en la India del siglo pasado, abordando el problema del comunalismo, del nacionalismo hindú y el del neo-espiritualismo hindú. ; India is characterized by being a country where multiple religions coexist. Th e national project ideologists, considering this pluralistic situation, established a constitutionally secular State, who would protect minorities facing Hindu majority. In this way, the harmonic and unitary development of the nation would take place. Far beyond these intentions, Indian politics has been facing diff erent kind of problems regarding religious matters. Th is paper is about the main relations between politics and religion in India during the last century, approaching the problem of communalism, Hindu nationalism and Hindu neo spiritualism. ; 33-50 ; filc78@gmail.com / fl uarte@uc.cl ; Semestral
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Includes section "Recent books." ; Editor: William Temple. ; Includes section "Recent books." ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10032
Includes bibliographical references ; It appeared to me that the differences and a particular atmosphere I found in Irish writing were due to more than the syntax of Hyberno-English. I was curious and to investigate further I returned to university to add English literature as a major to an existing degree in Psychology, Anthropology, Linguistics and the relevant ancillaries. The literary approach to the few - mostly Anglo-Irish - writers on which single courses were offered left my questions mostly unanswered. My own research continue along historical and psycho-sociocultural lines. I believe this approach discovered what I sought.
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Existing research has documented the confirmation bias in the domain of politics, but relatively little research has examined the confirmation bias in religion. I developed a novel task in the religious domain and compare confirmation bias evidence to that observed in the political domain. Using a preregistered data collection and analysis plan, I examined data from n=402 participants prescreened by political and religious beliefs. Participants were administered the online task that examined selective information exposure and perceived strength of arguments that are incongruent to one's own beliefs regarding "gun control" and the "existence of God". Results documented a confirmation bias in both information exposure and perceived argument strength. I also examined the hypothesis that the confirmation bias is stronger in situations where more thought or deliberation is brought to bear on the task. The evidence here depends on the measure of deliberation used, but generally supports this hypothesis. For example, the data showed that individuals who have thought a lot about the topic at hand (gun control and the existence of God) displayed a stronger confirmation bias in perceived argument strength than those having thought less about the issue. This paper contributes by offering new evidence documenting the confirmation bias directly compared across domains. And, the findings regarding how deliberation may worsen the bias are in line with previous research suggesting the confirmation bias may be unlike other decision biases — this bias may thrive when the decision maker is more is more deliberative or thoughtful.
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