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The study of the relationship between politics and religion is important to understand the current society of Bangladesh. It is believed that the reason for the separation of the Indian subcontinent into two parts: India and Pakistan was a religious factor. East Bengal became part of Pakistan, called East Pakistan. In Pakistan Islam was the state religion, which was reflected in the entire social life of Bengalis. In East Pakistan, most of the people are Bengalis and speak in Bangla, culture, traditions and way of life were historically connected with the peoples of India. In Pakistan, the state language was Urdu. The authorities of west Pakistan pressed the people of East Pakistan to study Urdu in educational institutions, tried to ignore the Bangla language, limiting the activities of newspapers and radio, which caused discontent among the population. A considerable time in educational institutions was devoted to the study of religion. Many decisions of local authorities were adopted and executed on the behalf of Islam. The authorities of Pakistan suppressed the people with this policy by mass repressions. Particularly bloody repressions against the Bengali people were held in 1971. As a result of a popular uprising, armed struggle and the expulsion of troops, this part of Pakistan has become an independent country. In 1972, after the establishment of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, secularism became one of the fundamental principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh. The article analyzes the political process through which religion becomes part of politics, using the historical method of research. Although the Constitution says that religion is separated from the state, but until now religion is considered a very important factor in the politics of Bangladesh. ; Исследование отношений между политикой и религией представляется важным для понимания современного состояния общества в Бангладеш. Считается, что причиной разделения индийского субконтинента на две части - Индию и Пакистан - явился религиозный фактор. Восточная Бенгалия стала частью Пакистана, которая была названа Восточным Пакистаном. В Пакистане ислам стал государственной религией, что отражалось и на всей социальной жизни бенгальцев. Основное население Восточного Пакистана - это бенгальцы, говорящие на языке бенгали (бенгальский), чьи культура, традиции и образ жизни исторически связаны с народами Индии. В Пакистане государственный язык урду. Власти ввели обязательное изучение урду в учебных заведениях, в том числе и Восточного Пакистана, пытались принизить значение бенгальского языка, ограничив ведение журналистской деятельности на бенгальском, включая газеты, радио, что вызывало недовольство населения. Значительное время в учебных заведениях отводилось изучению религии. Многие решения местных властей принимались и исполнялись от имени ислама. На сопротивление народа такой политике власти Пакистана отвечали массовыми репрессиями. Особенно кровавые репрессии против бенгальского народа были совершены в 1971 году. В результате народного восстания, вооруженной борьбы и изгнания войск Восточная часть Пакистана стала независимой страной. Одним из основополагающих принципов Конституции Народной Республики Бангладеш, когда только она формировалась в 1972 году, стал секуляризм. В статье анализируется политический процесс, посредством которого религия становится частью политики, используя исторический метод исследования. Несмотря на то, что в Конституции написано, что религия отделена от государства, но до сих пор религия является очень важным фактором в политике Бангладеш.

New forms of manifestations of religious intentions in socio-political space have constituted themselves as markers of transformation in the contemporary socio-political coordinates. Revision of the dominant traditional linear approaches placed the focus of ideological and political discussions about the correspondence of stable and variable, traditional and modern in a religious prism. Emerging new configurations in the public and private spheres mark transformation of the traditional relations between religion, society and the state corresponding to the logic of the project of modernity and the paradigm of secularization and require new interpretation optics. The contours of the new designs are evident in the contexts of new challenges and threats related to global political risks of religious terrorism, loss of monopoly on the description of reality, including moral connotations in the understanding of progress of the principle of secularism, with the increased importance of religious and confessional identity, civilizational, local and personal-individual levels, forming the hierarchy of values that determines horizons of public and personal goal setting. The penetration of religious meanings in the political and social reality of various areas, their incorporation into ideological discourses of identity build a wide variety of interpretations in the extreme poles of which is religious outline of internal and external threats to social stability and understanding of religion as a resource of optimization of the political system. Institutional, axiological and ontological projection refracts the religious factor in Russian society in polyvalent and nonlinear ways, reflecting the multidirectional vectors of ongoing transformation. On the basis of sociological data of The Institute of Sociology, RAS, the given article analyzes a number of subjects, reflecting qualitatively new social relationships. The emphasis is on multi-scale conflicts, correlation between the secular and the religious in the coordinates of importance of the democracy attributes and social significance of religion, institutional and value aspects as well as the dominant ideas in the Russian society about the role of Church, religion and religious faith in human life and society. Growing importance of religious factors and religious identities in contemporary conditions, the incorporation of religious meanings in different spheres of society intersect with ' the needs of ensuring the unity of values and stabilization of the social system, as well as close attention to Russian civilization experience. Despite increased sensitivity of contemporary debates on the tragectory of political practices in Russia, the religious factor could be a factor of social cohesion, determining the search of new forms of relations between the state and religious organizations based on the challenges and needs of society and identifying the need for improving mechanisms and practices of state-confessional relations.

This article focuses on the role of Islam in the life of arabic countries. The consequences of revolutionary explosion of early 2011 for the fates of Egyptians, and specially for Copts who which confess Christianity in Egypt are shown. ; В статье на примере Египта освещается роль ислама в жизни арабских стран. Показаны последствия революционного взрыва в начале 2011 г. в Египте для судеб египтян и, в частности, коптов, исповедующих христианство.

Анализируется роль политики и религии в развитии общества, рассматриваются основные формы их взаимодействия в современных условиях ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the role of politics and religion in social development, it considers the main forms of their interaction in present conditions.

Актуальность исследования связана со сложностью и неоднозначностью протекания процесса глобализации в религиозной сфере, а также потребностью в поиске новых методов исследования глобализации, которые не ограничиваются констатацией её объективности и амбивалентности, перечислением положительных и отрицательных сторон. Цель работы: обосновать применение системного подхода и теории социальных полей П. Бурьде для анализа глобализации в религиозном дискурсе. Методы исследования: системный и структурно-функциональный анализ социальных полей, с помощью которых выявлены области дискурса, различающиеся по целям акторов, социальным функциям и содержанию религиозного дискурса о глобализации. Результаты. Выявлены социальные поля, оказывающие наиболее существенное влияние на взаимоотношения религии и глобализации: поле религии, поле политики и массово-коммуникационное поле. Наиболее жесткое противостояние процессам глобализации на основе религиозного вероучения наблюдается в поле религии. В поле политики наблюдается тенденция к идеологизации религии. В этом поле отмечается высокий накал политической борьбы за символическую власть религиозных, политических и иных взглядов. В массово-коммуникационном поле заметны тенденция к упрощению и взаимозаменяемости религий, формирование «усредненной» экуменической религии или новых религиознопсихологических движений. ; The relevance of the research is related to the complexity and ambiguity of globalization in the religioussphere, as well as the need to search for new methods of globalization research, which are not limited to ascertaining its objectivity and ambivalence, transferring positive and negative sides. The aim of the work is tojustify the application of the system approach and P. Bourdieu theory of social fields for analysis of globalization in religious discourse. Methods. The system and structural-functional analysis of social fields used in thework allowed us to identify areas of discourse that differ in the aims of actors, social functions and the content of religious discourse about globalization. Results. The author has revealed the social fields that havethe most significant impact on the relationship between religion and globalization: the field of religion, thefield of politics and the mass communication field. The most severe opposition to globalization on the basis ofreligious dogma is observed in the field of religion. In the field of politics there is a tendency to ideologize religion. In this field there is a high intensity of political struggle for the symbolic power of religious, politicaland other views. In the mass-communication field there is a noticeable tendency towards simplification andinterchangeability of religions, the formation of an «average» ecumenical religion or new religiouspsychological movements.

In the present article the author tried to analyze the processes underway in the world political arena, give his assessments concerning some new global challenges and threats in the post-COVID period. He made an attempt to give a brief review of the current role and place of Uzbekistan in the regional and international politics.

In the article the mechanisms of legal regulation of French language are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to politicians in France, as initiators and developers of regulations in support of national language. Speech portraits of representatives of French political elite are considered,politiciansviolations of standardliterary French are identified. ; В статье анализируются механизмы законодательного регулирования французского языка. Особое внимание уделяется политическим деятелям Франции, выступающим инициаторами и разработчиками нормативных актов в поддержку национального языка. Рассматривается речевой портрет представителей французской политической элиты, выявляются случаи нарушения политиками литературной нормы французского языка.

The author aims to show that the forecasts of some theorists, philosophers and sociologists about the secularization and inevitable disappearance and marginalization of religion in the process of modernization of society, did not come true. Religion as a social institution has survived and has indicated its return to society and its importance not only for the individual but also for the collective consciousness and action. Deterministic frameworks of the processes of religious changes toward desecularization of society are the result of important changes in society itself: on the one hand the religious traditions acquire political significance and importance in the society, while on the other side they deprivatize faith and behavior of individuals, which can be considered as representing the crucial elements of the process of desecularization of society. These examples compelled the authors like David Martin and Peter Berger to review their theories about secularization of society during 1960s and 1970s, by presenting new ideas about desecularization of society or by limiting the theory of secularization to Western Europe countries only.

Констатируется, что экстремизм связан с политическими амбициями обретения властных полномочий с помощью насилия. Такие амбиции могут присутствовать и в религии, особенно если она выдвигает универсалистские претензии. Утверждается, что религиозно-мотивированный экстремизм присутствует в движениях, для которых характерно представление о невозможности толерантного отношения к иным религиозным формам и воззрениям. Религиозный экстремизм, показательным примером которого сегодня является исламизм, ориентирован на установление теократии, а не политической диктатуры. Показано, что постоянно готовый к насилию религиозный экстремизм дрейфует в сторону религиозного терроризма, который представляет собой агрессивные насильственные действия против несогласных с экстремистами людей. Насилие служит достижению религиозных, политических или идеологических целей, а терроризм является средством оказания давления. ; Extremism is associated with the political ambitions of gaining power through violence. Such ambitions can also be present in religion, especially if it imposes universalist claims. There is religiously motivated extremism in the movements for which the conception of the impossibility of tolerant attitude to other religious forms and views is typical. Religious extremism, exemplified by Islamism today, is directed toward establishing a theocracy, not a political dictatorship. Constantly ready for violence, religious extremism is drifting towards religious terrorism, which is an aggressive violent act against people who disagree with extremists. Violence serves religious, political or ideological purposes, and terrorism is a mean of putting pressure.

The article examines the main features of political transformation in political institutes and processes in the light of new paradigm of "New world order management; reveals a doctrinal role of so called "chaos control" theory in the formation and realization of modern political strategies in XXI century. First of all, a number of authors propose specialized monitoring of strategic planning and current governance practices, taking into account the inadequacies and uncertainties of current international processes. Such monitoring based on the goals of universal international organizations (UN), regional alliances (EI), international economic and financial institutions (IMF) can be compared. The recording of such processes requires the adjustment of the relevant legal framework regulating the areas of international cooperation. For example, global markets may be self-organized or "thoroughly penalized" with international penalties. The possibility of a fully centralized and effective international management system is far from likely. In addition, globalization seems to be the most powerful in sophisticated dynamic systems in the synergetic literature. The "multiple vector inequalities" have been replaced by the equality dynamics during the Cold War era. Instead of a single major conflict (East-West, North-South), local conflicts can be brought to the global catastrophe (ex. Middle East, Syria, Ukraine). The balance of deviance equates to the imbalance of instability. According to some authors, the aspiration for the position of a "world governor" in globalizing conditions is extremely dangerous: no state can manage the coordinating functions in complex dynamic systems, such as planetary globalization. Finally, some authors link the global instability of the modern world with the phenomenon of the US-led Center for Forces. Researchers write about "chaos forces", "crisis management crises" strategies and "executive chao s". Perhaps, it is possible to use the concept of non-tolerance and the concept of chaos in the interests of the customer's controlled chaos, ie, to strengthen the dominant position of a single powerful state. One of the most serious threats of globalization is the instability of the financial markets in the self-regulating process. The global financial crisis can lead to a series of breaks in the regional market. That's why the strategy of the "managed crisis" in the economy (for example, powerful states like the US or Russia) is to weaken the most dangerous potential competitors without endangering the global economy.

Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.

В данной статье представлена глава из книги "Политический язык: успех слова и провал политики", в которой описаны различные аспекты и приемы политического дискурса.

В данной статье представлена глава из книги "Политический язык: успех слова и провал политики", в которой описаны различные аспекты и приемы политического дискурса.

В данной статье представлена глава из книги "Политический язык: успех слова и провал политики", в которой описаны различные аспекты и приемы политического дискурса.

The article discusses securitization of memory politics and identity politics as a part of academic tools and some kind of political tools. The author characterizes the process of securitization analyzing both academic and political discourse of the last decade. The securitization of the politics of memory and identity, as well as the politicization of history are reflected in academic publications and political declarations, pouring out into hot discussions, debates, wars of memory, struggle of identities. Research findings can create basis for a political turn or a new foreign policy course. Securitization puts the category of identity in the context of international security while identity politics could be used as a soft power element or foreign policy tool. There has been a turn towards defining identity politics as a concrete ideological weapon that can be used against opponents in the ideological and political struggle. This significantly changes meaning of identity politics. The author considers that in scientific analysis it is advisable to avoid extreme politization of identity. ; Рассматривается секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности как приема научного анализа и элемента политического инструментария. Автор характеризует этот процесс на основе изучения научного и политического дискурса последних лет. Секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности, а также политизация истории находят отражение в научных публикациях и выступлениях политических лидеров, проявляясь в виде острых дискуссий, дебатов, войн памяти, борьбы идентичностей. Результаты исследовательских трудов могут создавать интеллектуальную основу для политического поворота или нового внешнеполитического курса. Секьюритизация переводит категорию политики идентичности в контекст международной безопасности, когда политика идентичности может быть использована как элемент мягкой силы или внешнеполитический инструмент. Наметился поворот к тому, чтобы определять политику идентичности как конкретное идеологическое оружие, которое может быть использовано против оппонентов в идеологической и политической борьбе. Это существенно меняет смыслы политики идентичности. Автор считает, что в научном анализе желательно избегать экстремальной политизации использования идентичности.