Suchergebnisse

To understand the depth of transformations in all spheres of society generated by
migration, new terminology is needed. The notion of "postmigrant societies" implies that the
distinction between local and migrant population loses its relevance in certain social spheres.
According to the familiar epistemological framework, societies are presented as consisting of
"local population" on the one hand, and "migrant population" on the other. This understanding,
however, is becoming obsolete. First, it does not reflect the fact that the phenomenon of spatial
mobility is embedded in the social structure. A significant part of the so-called local population
is itself included in migration processes. People who are considered to be part of the
"autochthonous population" are in fact migrants themselves due to different circumstances
(contract work, long-term stay in another country due to studies, involvement in joint business
projects, participation in international scientific teams, availability of real estate abroad, etc.). At
the same time, those people who are regarded as "migrants" by common sense can be well
integrated into the social institutions of their new homeland. Second, the traditional
epistemological framework does not reflect contemporary demographic trends. It is unable to
capture two points: (a) population rotation within the framework of circular/pendulum migration;
(b) qualitative change in the urban population of industrialized countries.

Fear is fast becoming - if it has not already become - a central object of analysis for understanding today's politics. As fear is, supposedly, increasingly saturating our everyday lives, politicians and political strategists of all ideological stripes are rediscovering that fear is a handy tool in influencing voters. Our argument, however, is that rather than simply seeing the most recent exercise of a "politics of fear," our contemporary moment is distinguished by the emergence of "fear as politics". The paper argues that rather than fear acting as an expedient but ad hoc political tool, it has become the de facto essence of politics. Fear now provides the impetus and reason for politics, substituting other sources of legitimation of power such as democracy, justice, and the common good. The argument of the authors is being developed in a three-step process. Firstly - the authors argue - fear has become a projection of the political will aiming at changing existing order - that is to say that fear becomes the main reason and main motive for institutional / social change domestically and internationally. Secondly, fear cements power relations by creating a new "political dogma", a supra-ideology of sorts that being trans-ideological in spectrum (that is to say, "fear" becomes enclosed in every current ideology from populism to neo-conservatism), and shapes and restricts social imagination and political action. Thirdly - authors continue - fear provides alternative legitimization of state authority and action (that is to say that fear provides justification and sense of purpose for those in power). The authors have provided a set of interlocked ideas to show that fear can be rationalized, operationalized, that it is imbedded into diversified social strata, included into mainstream politics, politically utilized and form a bedrock of the new regnum (with a rationality based on fear) by whoever play politics.

In the article the mechanisms of legal regulation of French language are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to politicians in France, as initiators and developers of regulations in support of national language. Speech portraits of representatives of French political elite are considered,politiciansviolations of standardliterary French are identified. ; В статье анализируются механизмы законодательного регулирования французского языка. Особое внимание уделяется политическим деятелям Франции, выступающим инициаторами и разработчиками нормативных актов в поддержку национального языка. Рассматривается речевой портрет представителей французской политической элиты, выявляются случаи нарушения политиками литературной нормы французского языка.

This paper analyzes the features of formation of the deputy corps of the representative bodies in Tatarstan with an emphasis on gender. In the focus of the study were the election campaign of the President of Tatarstan and the federal, regional and local elections. The conclusion is made about a not enough developed gender-sensitive policy in the republic.
Оксана Красильникова; Красильникова, Оксана

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's. © 2020, Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.

The article discusses the possible transformation of the geopolitical situation in the Francophone countries of Tropical Africa in the context of the coronavirus pandemic, based on the information published in the French media. And also, the analytical report, sent by experts of the Paris Center for Analysis, Forecasting and Strategy (CAPS), to the President and the French Foreign Ministry was used. The article contains a list of the main epidemiological, social, humanitarian, and political threats that will destabilize the situation on the Black Continent, as well asmade a prediction attempt of the dynamics of international relations in the post-coronavirus period. The aim of this study is to find out how the balance of forces of traditional and relatively new actors in international relations has been changed in the countries of Tropical Africa in the period of present observation. Particular attention is paid to the initiatives of the Champs Elysees, designed to preserve the traditional political, economic, and military dominance of the Fifth Republic in African countries, the territories of which were part of the French colonial empire. Emanuel Macron's proposals regarding forgiveness of external debts and economic assistance to African countries are analyzed. It is concluded that the initiatives of the President of France cannot be implemented in political practice and are aimed only at countering the growth of anti-French mood in the Sahel. A political analysis of the situation comes to the conclusion that, as a result of the economic and political upheaval caused by the coronavirus pandemic, it is very likely that the interests of France will be supplanted from Tropical Africa by China and, in part, by Russia.

Student unrest of 1956 in Soviet universities is examined based on the example of the Ural State University and the Ural Polytechnic Institute in Sverdlovsk. Student attitudes are analyzed in terms of social and critical thinking, and the reaction of authorities — in light of the policy towards the intelligentsia. The theoretical and methodological frame of analysis is constructivism, with emphasis put on aspects of bilateral, reciprocal design and temporality. The empirical base consists of documents from the collections of the Documentation Centre of the Social Institutions of Sverdlovsk Region, the University Museum, as well as materials from local and national press. The mid 1950's were marked by a radical revision of the limits of acceptable criticism, which was unfolding until the end of 1956. Unorthodox activity was not regarded as seditious up until a point. The gap, interval between the original action and the resulting stigmatizing mark shows how such a notion crystallized. At some point it seemed as if you could criticize everyone and everything. It is shown that the most crucial effect was produced not by the theme of student statements but rather by a mismatch in the magnitude of the subjects and objects of public criticism. The position of authorities was to depoliticize student activity, while using such a relatively new course as pathologizing objectification: the younger generation was treated as a bearer of specific problems requiring special attention. "Labor education" with emphasis on hard physical labor was used as the universal lifesaver. Sundays at construction sites, hedgehog-fit visits to farms, as well as sending expelled students to factories inform the phenomenon of organic intellectuals "on the contrary" (in the words of A. Gramsci and N. Savelyeva). At the same time, the pragmatic benefits of resolving to admit to universities only those who had sufficient work experience was not reduced to disposing of students' "unhealthy moods", but rather "postponement" of higher education was to attract the youngsters to the virgin lands and construction sites. Students themselves insisted on the political connotations of their actions. The desire of the young generation to "catch the winds of history in their sails" was gradually accumulated in the concept of romance, which had yet to displace the patriotism and heroism that prevailed within the ideological orientations and the official rhetoric of the 50's.

The article deals with the current topic of manipulation in politics. The author makes scientific analysis of this phenomenon and tells about identify hidden mechanisms of manipulation, classification of manipulation and study the impact of manipulation on the values and behavior of people. For the first time the manipulations of cause-and-effect relations are considered, including the well-known experiment "universe 25". These manipulations are aimed at influencing the values of a person and cause the belief in the impossibility of social transformations aimed at significantly improving the quality of life and social relations. The author is convinced that the study of manipulation by the scientific community, and further teaching the ability to resist manipulation will make the population less susceptible to political manipulation and more free in their political choice. The author believes that manipulation in politics is, on the one hand, a serious scientific problem, and, on the other hand, a topic of interest in politicized groups of social networks, as well as a frequent subject of popular science materials. Political manipulation affects the value worldview of people and their behavior, the problems of manipulation in politics is closely related to a larger range of other political problems. ; В статье рассматривается актуальная тема манипуляций в политике, указывается на необходимость научного анализа данного явления, необходимость выявления скрытых механизмов манипуляций, классификации манипуляций и исследования влияние манипуляций на ценностные установки и поведение людей. Впервые рассматриваются манипуляции причинно-следственными связями, в том числе именно так классифицируется известный эксперимент «Вселенная 25». Данные манипуляции имеют цель повлиять на ценностные установки человека и вызвать убеждение в невозможности социальных преобразований, направленных на существенное улучшение качества жизни и социальных отношений. Автор убеждён, что изучение манипуляций научным сообществом, и в дальнейшем преподавание умения противостоять манипуляциям сделают население менее поддатливым на политические манипуляции и более свободным в своём политическом выборе. Автор считает, что манипуляции в политике – это, с одной стороны, серьёзная научная проблема, а, с другой стороны, тема, вызывающая интерес в политизированных группах социальных сетей, а также частый предмет научно-популярных материалов. Политические манипуляции влияют на ценностные мировоззренческие установки людей и на их поведение, то с проблемами манипуляций в политике тесно связан больший круг других политических проблем.

Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy "apologies for the USA" or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities' rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character. ; Конфликты по поводу прошлого характерны для Соединенных Штатов в неменьшей степени, чем для европейских стран, хотя там их чаще относят к разновидности «культурных войн». Они особенно ярко проявляются в периоды внутриполитических кризисов, поскольку роль внешней политики в американском дискурсе чрезвычайно мала. Так, память о Второй мировой войне в США использовалась исключительно для сплочения нации и не стала, в отличие от многих европейских стран, основанием для конфликта с соседями. В статье показано, как два крупнейших конфликта по поводу прошлого в последнюю четверть века связаны с кризисом сначала республиканской партии (случай выставки «Энола Гэй» в 1995 г.), а затем демократической партии (случай сноса памятников конфедератам в 2017 г.). Атака на символы прошлого, которым приписывается негативное значение, позволяет активистам мобилизовать сторонников и преодолеть идейный вакуум, характерный для кризисного момента. В других случаях по поводу как внешнеполитических «извинений за США», так и протестов италоамериканцев в связи с отказом от коммеморации Христофора Колумба, конфликт не приобретает общенационального характера.

The object of the research is the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space in the XXI century. The subject of the research is the economic, strategic, foreign policy relations of the Republic of Armenia with the countries of the post-Soviet space, in particular with Russia. Armenia's relations with the countries of the Middle East region, the United States and the European Union and their influence on the regional policy of Armenia in the post-Soviet space The aim of the work is to examine the regional policy of the Republic of Armenia in the post-Soviet space. Analytical and comparative methods are used to analyze the problems under study. The analysis resulted in the identification of positive and negative trends in the development of the regional policy of Armenia, its economy and strategic position in the post-Soviet space. As well as identifying the dynamics in relations with Russia, the CIS countries, the countries of the West and the East. The scientific novelty lies in the study of the current state of the regional policy of Armenia after 2010 and its analysis.

В статье рассматриваются специфические черты реляционных имен в современной англоязычной политической коммуникации.

The article discusses securitization of memory politics and identity politics as a part of academic tools and some kind of political tools. The author characterizes the process of securitization analyzing both academic and political discourse of the last decade. The securitization of the politics of memory and identity, as well as the politicization of history are reflected in academic publications and political declarations, pouring out into hot discussions, debates, wars of memory, struggle of identities. Research findings can create basis for a political turn or a new foreign policy course. Securitization puts the category of identity in the context of international security while identity politics could be used as a soft power element or foreign policy tool. There has been a turn towards defining identity politics as a concrete ideological weapon that can be used against opponents in the ideological and political struggle. This significantly changes meaning of identity politics. The author considers that in scientific analysis it is advisable to avoid extreme politization of identity. ; Рассматривается секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности как приема научного анализа и элемента политического инструментария. Автор характеризует этот процесс на основе изучения научного и политического дискурса последних лет. Секьюритизация политики памяти и идентичности, а также политизация истории находят отражение в научных публикациях и выступлениях политических лидеров, проявляясь в виде острых дискуссий, дебатов, войн памяти, борьбы идентичностей. Результаты исследовательских трудов могут создавать интеллектуальную основу для политического поворота или нового внешнеполитического курса. Секьюритизация переводит категорию политики идентичности в контекст международной безопасности, когда политика идентичности может быть использована как элемент мягкой силы или внешнеполитический инструмент. Наметился поворот к тому, чтобы определять политику идентичности как конкретное идеологическое оружие, которое может быть использовано против оппонентов в идеологической и политической борьбе. Это существенно меняет смыслы политики идентичности. Автор считает, что в научном анализе желательно избегать экстремальной политизации использования идентичности.