Upon advancement to candidacy in the political science department at the University of California, Berkeley, I joined the staff of the Democratic National Committee as Research Director for the Commission on Presidential Nomination and Party Structure. What was to be a short-term job ended up as a three and a half year commitment to the Democratic Party as I became, seriatim, program director for the Midterm Conference, executive director of the commission which established state party compliance with the delegate selection rules, and executive director of the 1980 Platform Committee.During my first month at the National Committee I had the pleasure of meeting one Mark Siegel, a political scientist with several years of involvement in national politics. One afternoon we were discussing the experiences of academic political scientists turned practitioners. Mark coined a term I have used frequently since then—"hackademic"—or someone who is partially an academic and partially a political hack.
One component of a survey of Western European studies in the United States being conducted by the Council of European Studies in cooperation with the Institute of International Studies of the U.S. Office of Education is a study of dissertations completed in the social sciences in recent years with special emphasis on those in the area of Western European Studies. The full study, to be published early next year, seeks to identify the actual and potential resources in the American academic community with a goal to increasing our understanding of contemporary European society and politics and securing better insights into the ways in which these resources might be more effectively mobilized to support training and research programs.The data on dissertations completed with special emphasis on those in the fields of foreign and comparative government by world area is presented here because of its general interest and as a complimntary piece to the data presented in this issue by Walfred Peterson.
The Cambodian invasion and the tragedies at Jackson and Kent State this spring led to explosions on college campuses all across the country. There was a great deal of talk of massive student intervention in the fall congressional elections and universities adopted various measures in response to the crisis. Some abandoned institutional neutrality by taking positions condemning the President's actions, others scheduled fall courses on elections and "practical politics", while others opted for some variant of the two week "Princeton Plan" pre-election recess.Most observers assumed that student political interest would remain high and that the student impact would be significant. By early summer university-based groups had been set up to lobby congressmen to support "end the war amendments", to raise money for anti-war candidates, and to supply student volunteers to work actively for such candidates.
The Cambodian invasion and the tragedies at Jackson and Kent State this spring led to explosions on college campuses all across the country. There was a great deal of talk of massive student intervention in the fall congressional elections and universities adopted various measures in response to the crisis. Some abandoned institutional neutrality by taking positions condemning the President's actions, others scheduled fall courses on elections and "practical politics", while others opted for some variant of the two week "Princeton Plan" pre-election recess.Most observers assumed that student political interest would remain high and that the student impact would be significant. By early summer university-based groups had been set up to lobby congressmen to support "end the war amendments", to raise money for anti-war candidates, and to supply student volunteers to work actively for such candidates.
Although better known for its sunny skies, Los Angeles suffers devastating flooding. This book explores a fascinating and little-known chapter in the city's history—the spectacular failures to control floods that occurred throughout the twentieth century. Despite the city's 114 debris dams, 5 flood control basins, and nearly 500 miles of paved river channels, Southern Californians have discovered that technologically engineered solutions to flooding are just as disaster-prone as natural waterways. Jared Orsi's lively history unravels the strange and often hazardous ways that engineering, politics, and nature have come together in Los Angeles to determine the flow of water. He advances a new paradigm—the urban ecosystem—for understanding the city's complex and unpredictable waterways and other issues that are sure to play a large role in future planning. As he traces the flow of water from sky to sea, Orsi brings together many disparate and intriguing pieces of the story, including local and national politics, the little-known San Gabriel Dam fiasco, the phenomenal growth of Los Angeles, and, finally, the influence of environmentalism. Orsi provocatively widens his vision toward other cities for which Los Angeles may offer a lesson—both of things gone wrong and a glimpse of how they might be improved
[spa] Esta investigación es una reflexión teórico-práctica desde el pensamiento filosófico de lo político, cuya línea argumentativa emerge con la pregunta por lo político postotalitario, planteada por: Hannah Arendt, Carl Schmitt y Claude Lefort. La primera, como crítica a la tradición filosófica de lo político y su "olvido" de la acción, así como la relación entre pensamiento y acción, y la Crisis de la Cultura; el segundo, sobre: lo estatal y lo político, el enemigo interior y la legitimidad de la lucha política al interior del mismo Estado moderno, y su original crítica a la paradoja democrática liberal; y, el tercero, la política y el movimiento de Mai 68, así , como la dramática tensión entre imperialismo liberal económico versus marxismo social, modelos hegemónicos del siglo XX, como el fracaso de los dos. Lefort plantea la invención democrática, a partir de su confirmación del rol político de los Derechos del Hombre/humanos como fórmula de Resistencia anti-dominación totalitaria. Ya, para el estudio del caso colombiano, retomamos la problemática relación: violencia versus política, en el marco de la "paradoja democrática" colombiana y sus períodos de legislatura constitucional, procesos electorales a corporaciones públicas, vigencia y alternancia de partidos políticos, junto a una tragedia humanitaria que exige la apertura de la oficina de DH de la ONU en 1997 en Bogotá. Obtenemos, de esta forma una crítica al contexto social usurpado por la Guerra Fría y los imperios URSS y USA, como las secuelas socioculturales de toda sociedad postcolonial, oligárquica, que termina fagocitada a partir 1980 por el mercado mundial de la droga, carteles organizados en la que participan: oligarquía política, guerrillas FARC, ELN, M19, paramilitares, delincuencia común, quebrando todos los parámetros analíticos de las ciencias sociales. ; [eng] This research is a practical and theoretical reflection of Politics from a philosophical approach. The main idea emerges from the quest for post-Totalitarian Politics, as proposed by Hanna Arendt, Carl Schmitt and Claude Lefort. The first as seen by Hanna Arendt, is a critic to philosophical tradition of Politics and its "forgetfulness" of the political action, and the relation between thought and action, and the Crisis in Culture; the second by Carl Schmitt, is the State and Politics, the enemy within and the legitimacy of the political struggle within the modern State, and Schmitt's original critic to the Liberal Democracy Paradox. Third is Politics and the "May of 68" movement, as the dramatical tension between Liberal Economical Imperialism and Social Marxism as hegemonic models of the XXth century, and the failure of both. With the Democratic Invention Claude Lefort confirms the importance of Man / Human rights (DH) as a form of anti-Totalitarian Resistance. In the analysis of the Colombian case, we will study the conflictual relationship of Violence vs Politics, within the frame of the Colombian Political Paradox composed of constitutional legislature, electoral processes, public corporations, permanence and alternation of political parties and a humanitarian crisis that required the opening of a UN Human Rights office in Colombia in 1997. Having this elements in mind, we can elaborate a critic to the Colombian social context that ends being defined by the Cold War proxy wars between the USSR and the USA, as by the sociocultural scars of any post-colonial oligarchical society. A society that ends being devoured in 1980 by the globalisation of drug trafficking and the organisations that profit from it: The Political oligarchy, the FARC, ELN, M19, Paramilitary organisations, Drug Cartels and criminals. All this elements end defining Colombia as an outlier that breaks all analytical parameters of Social Sciences.
This study is concerned with explaining why and how - under what practical condition and within what social arrangements - knowledge about society emerged as "social science": a relatively autonomous domain of expertise with its own distinctive arrangement of working practices, institutional arrangements and technologies. Social Science, I argue, originated not as much with Marx and Weber in Germany, or Comte and Durkheim in France, as with the political institution of governmental investigations in Britain almost half a century before it obtained academic prestige within the disciplinary framework of the universities. Only after social science was well entrenched in the political field, through the work of governmental commissions, and its influence and effects were felt in the public sphere, through legislation and policy, did it migrate into the universities, where it was appropriated by academics in their associations. I suggest that there is much we can learn about the scientificity of social knowledge once we forgo the traditional ways in which the history of social science is told and look at political institutions, political practices and political circumstances as the driving force behind the emergence not only of social investigations but indeed of social science more in general. It was politics, its discourse, its mechanics of parliamentary and governmental work, its legislative practices and bureaucratic routines, its technologies of recording, compiling, archiving, presenting and transporting information, which provided the condition of possibility for the emergence of social science as a domain of expertise, not least by investing social knowledge with importance, authority and relevance, through the work of governmental social investigations. Social science, I argue, was developed as a creative response to the growing requirement of publicity in the exercise of political authority during the first half of the nineteenth century. I locate the origins of social science within a larger transformation in the organizational culture of the British parliament, which took place at this period, following the increasing publicity of parliamentary debates and proceedings in the national Press. This transformation conditioned specific patterns of investigation and publication that turned social knowledge into a domain of expertise, thus paving the way for the emergence of social science. The first step in this transformation was the disenchantment of politics. With the opening of parliament to the "public gaze," politics became a domain an application for public reportage - a category of knowledge, that was understood to be worthwhile to observe and interpret, and which was constituted through the monitoring of parliamentary debates. Once politics was constructed as a field of application for the Press and identified with public reportage, contemporary political and social events inside and outside parliament became observational and 'experimental' and could now be legitimately monitored, accumulated, archived, combined into chronologies, and then served as a basis for interpretation and commentary. In the second step, the growing coverage of politics in the press, encouraged government officials to take control of the legislation process from parliament by establishing a new policymaking regime, based on empirical explorations of social problems outside parliament by especially assigned governmental commissions. Serving on these commissions, politicians effectively became social experts, turning their gaze onto the public, carefully inspecting and monitoring social problems in their localities, thus making social knowledge a legitimate domain of political expertise. With the growing use of governmental investigations, expert knowledge about society was effectively entrenched into the political field, transforming the organizational culture of parliament, its discourse and practices, from "verbal economy" of oratorical performance to the "visual economy" of writing public reports for policymaking purposes. In this new parliamentary regime, visual knowledge gained a cultural comparative advantage, an "epistemic privilege," over verbal knowledge, not merely because of its physicality but, more importantly, because it "fitted" the new circumstances created by the growing power of the press and the formation of political-print-culture. An "elective affinity" was created between political reportage and social reportage. In the third and final step, government officials attempted to control and manage the variety and partisan and contradictory understandings of politics that were created by the Press and challenged the ability of government to elicit support for its policies inside and outside parliament. They did so by establishing various associations whose goal was to promote an official political discourse through immense public opinion campaigns, accompanied by a massive dissemination of governmental reports about social problems. In these campaigns, expert knowledge about society, produced by governmental investigations, was presented as scientific: useful, relevant, non-partisan, tangible and accessible to others. In this way, expert knowledge about society was grafted onto the practice and discourse of its public consumers, effectively becoming "scientific."
Constructing fictions : moral economies in the tribunalization of violence -- Crafting the victim, crafting the perpetrator : new spaces of power, new specters of justice -- Multiple spaces of justice : Uganda, the International Criminal Court and the politics of inequality -- "Religious" and "secular" micropractices : the roots of secular law, the political content of radical Islamic beliefs -- "The hand will go to hell" : Islamic law and the crafting of the spiritual self -- Islamic sharia at the crossroads : human rights challenges and the strategic translation of vernacular imaginaries.
From vanishing American to voter : the enfranchisement of American Indians -- On account of race or color : the development of the Voting Rights Act -- A milestone on the reservation : the Voting Rights Act comes to Indian country -- It's our turn : Indian voting in San Juan County, Utah -- Going to court for a seat at the table : Fort Belknap versus Blaine County -- Lakotas in the legislature : the Bone shirt case -- An equal opportunity : the impact of the Voting Rights Act -- From extermination to electorate : Indians in American politics.
The courageous acts of whistleblowing that inspired the world over the past few years have changed our perception of surveillance and control in today's information society. But what are the wider effects of whistleblowing as an act of dissent on politics, society, and the arts? How does it contribute to new courses of action, digital tools, and contents? This urgent intervention based on the work of Berlin's Disruption Network Lab examines this growing phenomenon, offering interdisciplinary pathways to empower the public by investigating whistleblowing as a developing political practice that has the ability to provoke change from within.
Front Cover; Author biography; Endorsements; Title; Copyright; Contents; Map: Tibetan settlements in India; List of Illustrations; Preface; Note on Language; Abbreviations; Introduction Tibetan Exile, Democracy and Translation; 1. The Dalai Lama and Authoritative Speech; 2. The Model Settlement; 3. Dharamsala Democrats and Organisations; 4. A Place for Buddhism in Democracy?; 5. 'I Don't Like Politics, But I Love My Country'; 6. Freedom Struggle over Democracy; Postscript; Notes; Bibliography; Index; Back Cover
"This book presents a comprehensive analysis of the intricate security situation prevailing in Balochistan. It explores and establishes correlations between the internal structural vulnerabilities and fault lines of the Pakistani state with the external influences exerted on the region. Employing a rigorous examination of both primary and secondary data, the volume critically examines the multifaceted nature of organised violence in Balochistan. In addition to separatist movements, the presence of religious militancy and cross-border terrorism is thoroughly examined. The book delves into the external involvement of regional and global powers in the intricate tapestry of violence within Balochistan, thereby shedding light on the emerging geopolitical landscape and the corresponding power dynamics in the region. It also analyses how the implementation of large-scale developmental initiatives, particularly facilitated by China under the auspices of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), has elevated the geostrategic significance of Balochistan while simultaneously entangling it in the vortex of regional power politics. This volume will be of interest scholars and researchers specializing in geopolitics, International Relations, and South Asian studies"--
Economy: 10 ways to make it work for everyone -- Health care: a right for all -- Education: free public college, reduce student debt -- Environment: save the planet, transform our energy use -- Taxes: the wealthy need to pay their fair share -- Wall Street: too big to fail? Too big to exist -- Workers: unions and rebuilding the middle class -- Family values: our shared responsibility -- Society: expand social security, medicare, and medicaid -- Politics: billionaires cannot buy our democracy -- Infrastructure: rebuild America -- Veterans: care for them when they come home -- Agriculture: our food, our farmers, our health -- Immigration: keep the American dream alive -- Civil rights: the long road to justice -- Foreign policy: peace and diplomacy, not war -- Foreign trade: for people and the planet, not corporations -- Media: a neutral 'net, making sure all voices are heard -- Government oversight: what is the Fed doing with your money? -- Personal liberty: freedom and unity