Suchergebnisse

Exclusion and inclusion in the culturally, economically, and politically deter- mined educational space are one aspect of social life and its many micro-, meso-, eco-, macro-, and chronosystems. This issue is often addressed from theoretical, cognitive, practical, and research angles, which is reflected in scholarly and popular-science pub- lications as well as literary fiction. It is not bound to any particular time or place and it is relevant at all stages of a person's life, from conception to death. It can therefore be assumed that, to a greater or lesser extent, it governs the integral, holistic develop- ment of a human being, and, by the same token, the development of civilization. Moreover, one could argue that as the biological, psychological, social, cultural, and spiritual (religious) exclusion of the human being is more and more mitigated by his/ her participation in creating a living environment in the local, regional, national, and international spaces, we can observe an increasingly higher quality of the functioning of education systems. This is particularly a challenge for schools, which perform the basic functions—educational and preventative, didactic and protective—as defined by the educational law in Poland.

The article deals with the achievements of the representatives of various branches of knowledge regarding the Polish conceptions of Slavic cooperation in the period between the world wars. It is based on both some popular science publications especially from the II part of the 40. and numerous works published from 1960 up to 2011. Most of them are dedicated to several associations which propagated a necessity of Slavic cooperation. Some societies supported this idea in general while the others were limited to bilateral relations, especially Polish-Czechoslovakian. Many organizations or congresses united only the representatives of either one particular profession or one particular class. The authors also examine the question of Slavic cooperation in the journals popularized this idea according to plan, first of all " Ruch Słowiański". Rather a few a rticles d eal w ith t he l eaders o f t he Slavic movement, such as Władysław Tadeusz Wisłocki or Henryk Batowski. The authors used to be hypercritical to Polish interwar policy, but above activities usually meet with their approbation. In the synthesis, written mainly by the historians, there is a divergence of opinion about importance of cooperation

A part of anti-Ukrainian discourses on the Polish-language Internet is related to the perception of migration through the prism of an economic profit and loss account. Before February 24, 2022, threads related to the labor market were popular. Currently, there has been a shift towards narratives focusing on the alleged privilege of migrants from Ukraine – as well as on the "weakness" of the Polish state. In the text, I look at these discourses in detail – both in quantitative and qualitative terms. The publication is based on the results of the Counterhate project carried out jointly by the Centrum im. B. Geremek, Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights and Securelex.

Examining psychological mechanisms which lay at the heart of manslaughters aren't a new subject in Polish psychology and penitentiary sociology. In case of the public correction he seems positive to be influence relatively of short stay in penitentiary individuals. In case of the psychological correction long-term therapy is giving greater effects. Undervalued through penitentiary administration of the factor criminological process there is an influence of media, and by force methods of proceedings are marked most popular - with innovative - middle of achieving desired objectives socially.

The article explores the concept of civil society in connection with Web 2.0 and its transformative impact on society and politics, contrasting it with the earlier era of Web 1.0. Web 2.0, characterized by enhanced user interaction and content production, has given rise to a new media ecosystem that has reshaped the way people communicate, obtain information, and participate in the polity. The article highlights the emergence of popular social media platforms and how they have become integral to the platform society. These platforms have not only revolutionized online interactions but have also intersected with offline realms, including politics, commerce, and social relations. The article further explores the implications of Web 2.0 for civil society, contentious politics, and citizen engagement, examining the rise of protests, transnational movements, and the impact of digital resources on democracy and (digital) citizenship. Finally, the work discusses the potential of digital counter-democracy in the platform society and the need for democratic control in the digital age.

The phenomenon of anti-vaccination movement in cyberspace, or fake news and post-truth in the service of Andrew Wakefield hypothesis
Abstract
The opponents of vaccinations have been expressing their concerns about the undesirable effects of vaccinations for more than two hundred years. They are guided by religious and ideological reasons and refuse to immunize themselves and children. They argue that the obligation to vaccinate is a limitation of their human rights. The vaccination movement has been present in the social sphere since the 19th century, however after the publication of Andrew Wakefield's article on the subject of the alleged connection between vaccination and autism – the movement became very popular and contributed to a significant increase in the number of unvaccinated children in some countries. Nowadays, in the cyberspace and mass communication, it seems that both medical and social sciences face new challenges related to the spread of the movement. Hate speech, fake news and disinformation present in cyberspace strengthen and consolidate anti-vaccine attitudes. The phenomenon of Facebook means that every information can be made available to other users a few thousand times – even the untrue and misleading

Computer games (video games) are becoming increasingly popular way to relax, or even to maintain social relationships with other people. However, they are not just only entertainment. Treated as a mass media become a source of income, knowledge and social problems, which may distort the reality presented in them. It may also become the basis for manipulation and propaganda, to serve the struggle for cultural dominance, and indicate social problems.

Germany is home to approximately one hundred Polish organizations. Although the history of the Polish movement in Germany dates back to the mid-19th century, the available knowledge on the movement is relatively sketchy and either limited to historical facts or, with respect to the present standing and activities, only cursory. This is evidenced by the fact that the public discourse frequently labels given organizations as weak due judging them mainly on inner rifts and arguments. Is this popular belief true? Have organizations indeed succumbbed to a permanent crisis? If so, what are the true causes of their quandaries? I attempt to address these questions on the basis of the research I have conducted at the Institute for Western Affairs since 2008. I have embarked on defining the most prominent features of Polish organizations in Germany and identifying the factors that have contributed to their present condition.

Artykuł opisuje najpopularniejsze wskaźniki (tzw. indeksy) oraz sposoby ich łączenia i interpretacji w politologicznych badaniach porównawczych. Przy ich pomocy analizować można wpływ systemu wyborczego na kształt struktury systemu partyjnego. Autor, na przykładzie mieszanych systemów wyborczych w Rosji i na Ukrainie oraz systemu proporcjonalnej reprezentacji w Polsce, przedstawia wpływ wybranych elementów systemów wyborczych na konfigurację systemów partyjnych mierzoną przy wykorzystaniu m.in efektywnej liczby partii politycznych. Zwraca także uwagę na poziom koncentracji systemu partyjnego jako jedną z konsekwencji systemu wyborczego. Artykuł weryfikuje wiele obiegowych poglądów na temat politycznych skutków systemów wyborczych oraz uczy jak przy pomocy metody indeksowej można weryfikować twierdzenia na temat wpływu poszczególnych elementów systemu wyborczego na system partyjny. Jednocześnie pokazuje jak interpretować uzyskane w toku badania wskazania indeksów. ; The article describes the most common indicators (so-called indices) and the methods of combining as well as interpreting them in the political science comparative studies. An employment of these indices allows the analysis of the impact of electoral systems on party ones. Using Russian and Ukrainian mixed electoral systems and Polish proportional representation as an example, the author expounds the impact of given elements of electoral systems on configuration of party systems. Proceeding so, he gauges the effects of the influence in question by deploying the so-called effective number of parties formula. The author points out that amongst others effects of this interconnection of systems there is also the impact on the concentration level of party systems. Additionally, this paper debunks a plethora of popular opinions concerning political effects of electoral systems and teaches how one can verify those opinions employing the index method and how to interpret the indices.

In some political and science circles (including Poland) there are articulated views on the crucial role of electoral systems in the process of political competition. Therefore they express the opinion about prevalence of certain electoral arrangements in terms of the implementation of certain political preferences. Often hopes for the reform of the political system are associated with the changes of the electoral systems. In the Great Britain (the United Kingdom) and other English-speaking countries citizens have formed community associations whose aim is the change from the majority to the proportional electoral system. In the effect we have more proportional election result and extension of real electoral bid to a larger number of political parties. On the other hand, in Poland, we have seen the opposite trend. Proponents of single-mandate constituencies depreciate the system of proportional representation. They express the belief in the positive effects of the majority system in the parliamentary elections. Radicals endorse the idea that only those electoral solutions are synonymous with electoral democracy and they are a way to reduce the pathologies of political life. In terms of these issues there have arisen many misconceptions and political myths. The main purpose of this article is to pay attention to trends in the areas of electoral reforms in the world. The author tries to answer the following research questions: 1) What electoral systems were popular in the world in individual periods from the 19th to the 21st centuries? 2) What tendencies appear in changes of electoral systems in the recent years? 3) What is the being of popularity phenomenon of mixed-member electoral systems? In the recent years the most popular electoral systems are: proportional representation with open lists and majority rules in single member-districts. ; W niektórych środowiskach politycznych (w tym w Polsce), a także naukowych artykułowane są poglądy o – decydującej w procesie rywalizacji politycznej – roli systemów wyborczych oraz w związku z tym wyrażane jest przekonanie o przewadze niektórych rozwiązań wyborczych w zakresie realizacji określonych preferencji politycznych. Często nadzieje w zakresie reformy systemu politycznego wiąże się ze zmianami systemów wyborczych. W Wielkiej Brytanii i innych krajach anglosaskich powstały stowarzyszenia społeczne, których celem jest zmiana systemu większościowego na proporcjonalny. Jego zwolennicy opowiadają się za proporcjonalnością wyniku wyborczego i rozszerzeniem realnej oferty wyborczej do większej liczby podmiotów partyjnych. Z kolei w Polsce można zauważyć odwrotną tendencję. Zwolennicy jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych, deprecjonując system proporcjonalnejreprezentacji, wyrażają przekonanie o pozytywnych efektach systemu większościowego w wyborach do Sejmu. W wariancie radykalnym lansowana jest teza, że tylko powyższe rozwiązania wyborcze stanowią synonim demokracji i są sposobem na ograniczenie patologii życia politycznego. Wokół tej problematyki narosło wiele nieporozumień i mitów politycznych. Celem przedstawionego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na tendencje w zakresie polityki reform wyborczych w świecie i odpowiedź na takie pytania badawcze jak: 1) Jakie systemy wyborcze były popularne w świecie w poszczególnych okresach od XIX do XXI wieku?; 2) Jakie są tendencje w zakresie zmian systemów wyborczych w ostatnich latach?; 3) Z czego wynika fenomen popularności mieszanych systemów wyborczych? W ostatnich latach najbardziej popularnymi rozwiązaniami wyborczymi są system proporcjonalny z listami otwartymi oraz system większościowy z jednomandatowymi okręgami wyborczymi.