Suchergebnisse

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.

21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.

Populism is a widespreaded conception, often used in the discourse of political scientists, media or common citizens. However, only in the recent period scientists attempted to adapt this conception to empirical research or to use a comperative approach. Populism researches in Lithuania practically do not exist yet. Nevertheless, populism topic is relevant: usually it is associated with negative impact on stable function of democracy, or in the context of East and Central Europe region – a setback for further democracy and party system consolidation. Parliamentary elections in the period of 2011-2012 occurred after harsh economical crisis in Baltic region, therefore potential populism success is more presumable. The main goal of this research is to analyse the election programmes of political parties in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the 2011-2012 parliament election period. To reach this goal, the study of populism research evolution in political sciences is made. One may find various theoretical approaches of populism phenomena, so scholar must adjust one particular explanation and theoretical approach. Populism as a pathology of democracy explanation is used in this study, because it most properly corresponds with recently context of populism in Europe. Consequently, the complex bond between modern democracy and populism phenomena is accomplished. I maintain that populism is primarily a thin ideology and this approach enables to analyse party programmes. Specific attention for populism sources and evolution in postcommunist period of Baltic states is also rendered. Particular research model with seven main parameters of populism is adapted in this study. Hereby, all political parties, which participated in the parliament elections in the period of 2011-2012 are being analysed and the concrete degree of populism is measured. Finally, the comparison of three cases is submitted. Content analysis, descriptive and comperative methods are used in this research. Analysis revealed, that populism spreaded in the Baltic states in almost same period, moreover the sources and causes are also similar. Results demonstrated 12 existing populist ideology parties in Baltic, 3 of them successfully entered parliament. The comparison of all political parties in Baltic states revealed that the average populism level is the highest in Lithuania, the lowest – in Estonia. Moreover, some populist rhetoric and populist practical politics differences were found.

Populism is a widespreaded conception, often used in the discourse of political scientists, media or common citizens. However, only in the recent period scientists attempted to adapt this conception to empirical research or to use a comperative approach. Populism researches in Lithuania practically do not exist yet. Nevertheless, populism topic is relevant: usually it is associated with negative impact on stable function of democracy, or in the context of East and Central Europe region – a setback for further democracy and party system consolidation. Parliamentary elections in the period of 2011-2012 occurred after harsh economical crisis in Baltic region, therefore potential populism success is more presumable. The main goal of this research is to analyse the election programmes of political parties in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the 2011-2012 parliament election period. To reach this goal, the study of populism research evolution in political sciences is made. One may find various theoretical approaches of populism phenomena, so scholar must adjust one particular explanation and theoretical approach. Populism as a pathology of democracy explanation is used in this study, because it most properly corresponds with recently context of populism in Europe. Consequently, the complex bond between modern democracy and populism phenomena is accomplished. I maintain that populism is primarily a thin ideology and this approach enables to analyse party programmes. Specific attention for populism sources and evolution in postcommunist period of Baltic states is also rendered. Particular research model with seven main parameters of populism is adapted in this study. Hereby, all political parties, which participated in the parliament elections in the period of 2011-2012 are being analysed and the concrete degree of populism is measured. Finally, the comparison of three cases is submitted. Content analysis, descriptive and comperative methods are used in this research. Analysis revealed, that populism spreaded in the Baltic states in almost same period, moreover the sources and causes are also similar. Results demonstrated 12 existing populist ideology parties in Baltic, 3 of them successfully entered parliament. The comparison of all political parties in Baltic states revealed that the average populism level is the highest in Lithuania, the lowest – in Estonia. Moreover, some populist rhetoric and populist practical politics differences were found.

Populism is a widespreaded conception, often used in the discourse of political scientists, media or common citizens. However, only in the recent period scientists attempted to adapt this conception to empirical research or to use a comperative approach. Populism researches in Lithuania practically do not exist yet. Nevertheless, populism topic is relevant: usually it is associated with negative impact on stable function of democracy, or in the context of East and Central Europe region – a setback for further democracy and party system consolidation. Parliamentary elections in the period of 2011-2012 occurred after harsh economical crisis in Baltic region, therefore potential populism success is more presumable. The main goal of this research is to analyse the election programmes of political parties in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the 2011-2012 parliament election period. To reach this goal, the study of populism research evolution in political sciences is made. One may find various theoretical approaches of populism phenomena, so scholar must adjust one particular explanation and theoretical approach. Populism as a pathology of democracy explanation is used in this study, because it most properly corresponds with recently context of populism in Europe. Consequently, the complex bond between modern democracy and populism phenomena is accomplished. I maintain that populism is primarily a thin ideology and this approach enables to analyse party programmes. Specific attention for populism sources and evolution in postcommunist period of Baltic states is also rendered. Particular research model with seven main parameters of populism is adapted in this study. Hereby, all political parties, which participated in the parliament elections in the period of 2011-2012 are being analysed and the concrete degree of populism is measured. Finally, the comparison of three cases is submitted. Content analysis, descriptive and comperative methods are used in this research. Analysis revealed, that populism spreaded in the Baltic states in almost same period, moreover the sources and causes are also similar. Results demonstrated 12 existing populist ideology parties in Baltic, 3 of them successfully entered parliament. The comparison of all political parties in Baltic states revealed that the average populism level is the highest in Lithuania, the lowest – in Estonia. Moreover, some populist rhetoric and populist practical politics differences were found.

While the success of populist political parties has been increasing in Western Europe, politicians are becoming more concerned with the populist threat for representative democracy. However, scholars of populism have different perspectives on what influence populism might have on representative democracy. One group of researchers perceive populism as fundamentally hostile to the principles of the representative democracy. Other scientists understand populism as corrective for democracy or at least a part of it. The article attempts to answer the question why some populism theorists treat populism as incompatible with representative democracy, and others interpret it as a corrective for democracy. To answer the question, it has been analysed how two opposing groups of populism scholars define populism, representative democracy and how they conceptualise the relationship between them.

While the success of populist political parties has been increasing in Western Europe, politicians are becoming more concerned with the populist threat for representative democracy. However, scholars of populism have different perspectives on what influence populism might have on representative democracy. One group of researchers perceive populism as fundamentally hostile to the principles of the representative democracy. Other scientists understand populism as corrective for democracy or at least a part of it. The article attempts to answer the question why some populism theorists treat populism as incompatible with representative democracy, and others interpret it as a corrective for democracy. To answer the question, it has been analysed how two opposing groups of populism scholars define populism, representative democracy and how they conceptualise the relationship between them.

While the success of populist political parties has been increasing in Western Europe, politicians are becoming more concerned with the populist threat for representative democracy. However, scholars of populism have different perspectives on what influence populism might have on representative democracy. One group of researchers perceive populism as fundamentally hostile to the principles of the representative democracy. Other scientists understand populism as corrective for democracy or at least a part of it. The article attempts to answer the question why some populism theorists treat populism as incompatible with representative democracy, and others interpret it as a corrective for democracy. To answer the question, it has been analysed how two opposing groups of populism scholars define populism, representative democracy and how they conceptualise the relationship between them.

While the success of populist political parties has been increasing in Western Europe, politicians are becoming more concerned with the populist threat for representative democracy. However, scholars of populism have different perspectives on what influence populism might have on representative democracy. One group of researchers perceive populism as fundamentally hostile to the principles of the representative democracy. Other scientists understand populism as corrective for democracy or at least a part of it. The article attempts to answer the question why some populism theorists treat populism as incompatible with representative democracy, and others interpret it as a corrective for democracy. To answer the question, it has been analysed how two opposing groups of populism scholars define populism, representative democracy and how they conceptualise the relationship between them.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

The "frozen" territorial conflicts in Eastern Europe, which exist in the territorially divided world of sovereign states, provide the empirical context for this article in order to develop theoretical arguments. The main problem raised is the (im)possibility of the existence of the unrecognised territorial entities. The article questions how the concepts of space, territory and borders and the relationship between the territoriality and statehood in the current international relations practice and theory allow for understanding the situation in these entities. Thus, the goal is to evaluate the theoretical discussions on territoriality and borders regarding their applicability for the analysis of the "frozen" conflicts. Namely, to understand the subjectivity conditions of these entities and to comprehend how such analysis provides any new problematisations of the situation, how it gives framework to explain their strategies, behavior and the tendencies of normalisation. Three concepts (space, territory, and borders) are analysed in the article by raising three questions: a) how each of the concepts define (and constrain) the social reality and international politics; b) how such concepts are problematised; c) how such concepts help and can be used to understand the situation and possibilities of the marginal subject, which tries to overcome its own marginality, in contemporary international relations.

This article aims to explain the rise of the Lithuanian political party "The Way of Courage" using Ernesto Laclau's discourse theory of populism, in which populism is understood as a logic of collective identity formation. The advantages of this theoretical approach are revealed by comparing it with other tendencies of conceptualizing populism. In addition, this article is an attempt to solve the main disadvantage of E. Laclau's theory – its high level of abstractness, understood as an obstacle for operationalization. Therefore, various possibilities of combining E. Laclau's theory with other methodological perspectives are discussed, and a new research model is suggested, which is later applied in the discourse analysis of the political party "The Way of Courage."