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The validity of the current global development agenda, known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) ends on December 31, 2015. International community has worked on the new development agenda since 2010. The new development agenda will replace the MDGs from 1 January 2016. The European Union is a very active participant in the work on the shape of the new development agenda. EU activity in this area is coming clearly both from the organization's ambition, wanting to play the role of a "global player" and the importance of global development policy objectives for the EU's development cooperation. Not coincidentally, the European Union announced the 2015 European Year of Development (EYD). The article presents the position of the most important institutions of the EU towards a new agenda for development (Post 2015 agenda). ; Ważność aktualnej, globalnej agendy rozwojowej, znanej pod nazwą Milenijne Cele Rozwojowe (MDGs), kończy się 31 grudnia 2015 r. Od 2010 r. trwają prace analityczne, programowe i polityczne nad nową agendą rozwojową, która zastąpi MDGs począwszy od 1 stycznia 2016 r. Unia Europejska jest bardzo aktywnym uczestnikiem prac nad kształtem kolejnej agendy rozwojowej. Aktywność UE w tym obszarze wynika zarówno z ambicji tej organizacji, chcącej odgrywać rolę "globalnego gracza", jak i znaczenia założeń globalnej polityki rozwojowej dla unijnej współpracy rozwojowej. Nieprzypadkowo Unia Europejska ogłosiła rok 2015 Europejskim Rokiem na rzecz Rozwoju – European Year for Development (EYD). Artykuł przedstawia stanowisko najważniejszych instytucji UE wobec nowej agendy rozwojowej (Post 2015).

Ważność aktualnej, globalnej agendy rozwojowej, znanej pod nazwą Milenijne Cele Rozwojowe (MDGs), kończy się 31 grudnia 2015 r. Od 2010 r. trwają prace analityczne, programowe i polityczne nad nową agendą rozwojową, która zastąpi MDGs począwszy od 1 stycznia 2016 r. Unia Europejska jest bardzo aktywnym uczestnikiem prac nad kształtem kolejnej agendy rozwojowej. Aktywność UE w tym obszarze wynika zarówno z ambicji tej organizacji, chcącej od¬grywać rolę "globalnego gracza", jak i znaczenia założeń globalnej polityki rozwojowej dla unijnej współpracy rozwojowej. Nieprzypadkowo Unia Europejska ogłosiła rok 2015 Europejskim Rokiem na rzecz Rozwoju - European Year for Development (EYD). Artykuł przedstawia stanowisko najważniejszych instytucji UE wobec nowej agendy rozwojowej ; The validity of the current global development agenda, known as the Millennium Develop¬ment Goals (MDGs) ends on December 31,2015. International community has worked on the new development agenda since 2010. The new development agenda will replace the MDGs from 1 Jan¬uary 2016. The European Union is a very active participant in the work on the shape of the new de¬velopment agenda. EU activity in this area is coming clearly both from the organization's ambition, wanting to play the role of a "global player" and the importance of global development policy objectives for the EU's development cooperation. Not coincidentally, the European Union announced the 2015 European Year of Development (EYD). The article presents the position of the most important institutions of the EU towards a new agenda for development (Post 2015 agenda).

The Republic of Kosovo was created several years after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Its problems were visible during Josip Broz Tito's presidency. Over the last ten years Kosovo has had two female presidents. The question is, what is the position of women on the Kosovan political scene? This phenomenon is particularly significant from the point of view of the post-conflict reconstruction of the state. The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the role of Kosovo Albanian women in the politics of Kosovo at the central level. For this reason, the article includes women involved in the armed conflict in Kosovo, especially in the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA, alb. Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës, UÇK). The author also presents the role of women in the Kosovan political arena since 1999, with particular emphasis on changes that took place after the declaration of independence of Kosovo. Furthermore, the author examines the profiles of selected female politicians. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, the comparative and historical method, and an analysis of statistical data.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie nowego koniunktywnego podejścia w badaniach integracji europejskiej: deliberatywnej fuzji międzyrządowej. Bazuje ono na połączeniu liberalnej teorii międzyrządowej, teorii fuzji i teorii deliberatywnego supranacjonalizmu. Główną myślą jest stwierdzenie, że żadna z istniejących koncepcji teoretycznych nie jest w stanie wyjaśnić istoty procesów integracyjnych w ramach Unii Europejskiej. W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia wskazanych teorii (traktowanych jako koncepcje wyjściowe), przeanalizowano główne cechy Unii Europejskiej w czasie kryzysu, a także zaprezentowano podstawowe elementy nowego podejścia. Zaproponowana koncepcja powinna wykazywać przydatność nie tylko w sytuacji kryzysowej, ale także oferować instrumenty analizy integracji europejskiej w okresie pokryzysowym. ; The purpose of this paper is to present a new conjunctive approach in the research on European integration: deliberative intergovernmental fusion. The concept derives from a merging of liberal intergovernmentalism, fusion theory and deliberative supranationalism. The main idea is based on the view that no existing theoretical concept is able to explain the essence of integration processes in the European Union. This paper presents the principal assumptions of the three theories (treated as starting-point approaches), the main features of the European Union in crisis, as well as basic elements of the new approach. The concept proposed should be useful not only in a crisis situation, but also offer instruments for the analysis of European integration in the post-crisis period.

The pandemic is an accelerator of economic, technological and social changes. Despite pessimistic forecasts, Poland went unscathed by the pandemic crisis, which is the general conclusion of the article. This is evidenced both by economic data and market statistics. The first part of the article focuses on the economic background of the changes. The second one diagnoses the state of the Polish labor market, which is the main subject of the article. In the following sections author analyses the social consequences of the crisis, and on this basis, draws conclusions about the prospects of the Polish labor market after the pandemic.

A few years ago, veteran employment was associated in the United States with the charity. Today both public administration and many private companies are willing to assist former soldiers. Within the next five years, about one million soldiers will have to leave the armed forces because of the planned partial withdrawal of the U.S. troops from Afghanistan and defense cuts. Most of them will find employment, however, a significant percentage, especially the young veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars will remain unemployed. Veterans affairs are crucial both for the President of the United States, the Congress and the whole American society, as they are related to the economic and social aspects of the state functioning. On the other hand, misconception about ex-combatants prevents the use of their potential and skills acquired in the military, and is not reflected in any way on the economy of the state. This situation is frustrating because veterans can be very good workers having many qualities that are desirable among employers, such as leadership skills, cooperation, loyalty and initiative.

Interest groups constitute a specific civil society voice in democratic politics. They operate in a situation of constant friction between two main strategic goals: keeping the organization alive and exerting political influence. This article explores both topics, examining factors conditioning the group's tendency to cooperate with others as well as the degree to which such cooperation facilitates access to policy-making apparatus, exploring the post-communist environment of four selected Central Eastern Europe (CEE) countries and three policy areas: energy, healthcare and higher education policy. The authors aim to apply and examine the interest groups' cooperation patterns from the EU level to the CEE regional level. The article finds strong support for somewhat weak cooperation between interest groups in the region. However, even such moderate cooperation clearly affects the possibility of access to both the ruling parties and the parliaments. In particular, the cooperation of groups in the field of joint statements may turn out to be a form of remedy for the weaknesses of interest groups in the region.