Post-neoliberalism?
In: Review of African political economy, Band 37, Heft 123
ISSN: 1740-1720
In: Review of African political economy, Band 37, Heft 123
ISSN: 1740-1720
In: Latin American research review: LARR ; the journal of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), Band 46, Heft 2, S. 225-234
ISSN: 0023-8791
In: Politics & society
ISSN: 1552-7514
The many contradictory interpretations of neoliberalism raise doubts about the value of this concept. This article discusses the literature on neoliberalism for identifying a "minimum common core" that warrants preserving this concept. I argue that neoliberalism entails an ideology and a political practice that aim to subordinate the state and all social domains to the market—to its logic and to the economic powers within it—thereby undermining democracy. This conceptualization emerges as a "common lowest denominator" among many otherwise incompatible scholarly definitions of neoliberalism, reflects central neoliberal ideas (despite their own inconsistencies), and illuminates crucial features of contemporary neoliberal society. I discuss the implications of this interpretation for established democracies and for those countries that experienced democratization processes during the neoliberal era, for the debates on postneoliberalism, and for the political identity of the Left.
In: Latin American research review: LARR ; the journal of the Latin American Studies Association (LASA), Band 46, Heft 2, S. 225-234
ISSN: 0023-8791
In: Buffalo Law Review Vol. 68, No. 2, 2020
SSRN
In: Latin American research review, Band 46, Heft 2, S. 225-234
ISSN: 1542-4278
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 37-53
ISSN: 1552-678X
When Hugo Chávez was president, he pronounced the death of many things—the constitution, the old "partyarchy," Venezuela's "Fourth Republic," and the Free Trade Area of the Americas, among others. Since his own death in 2013, scholars, activists, and citizens have contributed to a rich discussion of his legacy. Part of that legacy is an understanding of post-neoliberalism that recognizes its competing and contradictory components, some of them seeking to complement, improve, and reverse neoliberal policies or overcome neoliberal logics and others constituting important remnants of neoliberalism.Durante su presidencia, Hugo Chávez declaró la muerte de muchas cosas: la constitución, el viejo "partidocracia," la Cuarta República de Venezuela y el Tratado de Libre Comercio de las Américas, entre otros. Desde su muerte en 2013, un grupo variado de estudiosos, activistas y ciudadanos ha llevado a cabo una rica discusión sobre su legado. Una parte importante de su legado es el entender que el post-neoliberalismo tiene componentes contrapuestos y contradictorios, y reconocer que algunos de ellos buscan complementar, mejorar y revertir las políticas neoliberales o superar la lógica neoliberal y otros importantes vestigios constituyentes del neoliberalismo.
In: Third world quarterly, Band 38, Heft 7, S. 1583-1602
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: Third world quarterly, Band 38, Heft 7, S. 1583-1602
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: Internationale Politik und Gesellschaft: IPG = International politics and society, Heft 3, S. 163-164
ISSN: 0945-2419
In: Latin American perspectives, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 4-17
ISSN: 1552-678X
In: European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Heft 108, S. 109-129
With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country's economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia's specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility.
In: Journal of Latin American Studies 51(2): 379-408.
SSRN
Working paper
In: Critical social policy: a journal of theory and practice in social welfare, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 547-566
ISSN: 1461-703X
The rejection of neoliberalism in Latin America at the time of the new millennium led to a wave of 'post-neoliberal' governments that sought to renegotiate the relationship between state and market and pioneer new forms of inclusive welfare. These governments attempted to implement a new economic model that bore some similarities to social democracy, alongside greater emphasis on recognition and identity politics. As this period gradually closes, we ask what accounts for the difficulties of institutionalising redistributive Leftist governance in Latin America. In so doing, we draw attention to the embeddedness of the idea of neoliberal governance, globally and regionally. Whilst the weaknesses of the Latin American Left are real, the return of neoliberalism reflects the fact it is still status quo governance everywhere.
In: Journal of Latin American studies, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 379-408
ISSN: 1469-767X
AbstractHow have governments in Latin America been able to counteract two decades of neoliberalism and pursue post-neoliberal developmental reforms, and what tools have they used to do so? We argue that post-neoliberal projects are possible through the use of three necessary conditions in a context of economic bonanza: (1) extensive use of the legal-constitutional framework to facilitate interventionism; (2) an increase in the centrality of public planning agencies to design those policies; and (3) growth of the bureaucracy to implement the policies. Through a case study of Rafael Correa's Ecuador, we show how a constituent assembly, empowerment of the state planning agency, and an increase in the size of the public administration allowed the president to combat neoliberalism and pursue his ambitiousBuen Vivir(Good Living) plan. This simple framework offers important clues for understanding post-liberalism and the return of the state in Ecuador and beyond.