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In recent months the UK Labour Party has been reviewing its policy approach and putting some flesh on the bones of what a Labour government led by Jeremy Corbyn and current shadow chancellor John McDonnell might hope to achieve. Central to their approach has been a renewed interest on the perils of market failure and what can be done about it. An alternative vision has emerged that focuses on prospects for a more cooperative and democratic economy constructed around a limited programme of (re)nationalisation and a National Investment Bank. In the process, two major reports have been produced as discussion documents. The first, Alternative Models of Ownership (herein referred to as AMO) discusses market failures and proposes a new type of economy based on co-ops, and a high-tech networked society encapsulating what McDonnell has referred to as "socialism with an iPad".1 The second report, Financing Investment (FI), examines the nature of the UK economy, with an array of policy proposals designed to boost the economy through investment in order to encourage productivity growth.2 Both reports are contextualised by academic contributions to the debate and discourse in which concepts such as "post-neoliberalism" or "alternative economic models" have emerged as political projects coveted by sections of the left. These theoretical contributions construct an alternative vision of society based on cooperative sharing, benevolent capital and state-facilitated investment as a successor to the neoliberal phase of capitalism. The purpose of this article is to explore this brand of socialist ideal and to offer a critique in the classical Marxist, revolutionary tradition.

My reflections on this theme are based on the experiences of Argentina. In some aspects, but not all, these reflections also refer to Latin America as a region. In Latin America, social movements, political leaders, and governments are increasingly framing issues and political responses at a regional (Latin American) level. Regional languages, political initiatives, as well as conventions, treaties, etc., promote social movement integration. "Demonstration effects" (as labeled by dependency theorists in the 1960s and 1970s) and a postcolonial and/or de-colonial discourse also encourage a synergy of advances throughout the region. At the same time, new "South-South" discourses and practices are in vogue, and take the form of social forums, academic collaborations, and shared intellectual projects. ; Fil: Pecheny, Mario Martín. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Instituto de Investigaciones "Gino Germani"; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

The concept of "post-neoliberalism" so far is associated with progressive Latin American governments that have distanced himself from the monetarist colonization of neoliberalism in its version of the IMF and World Bank. However, these governments carry out extractive policies involving the dispossession of territories with the consequent social criminalization. Consequently, a theoretical and epistemological deconstruction of the concept of "post-neoliberalism" is necessary to understand the violence of accumulation by dispossession. ; El concepto de "posneoliberalismo" hasta el momento está asociado a los gobiernos progresistas latinoamericanos que se han desmarcado de la colonización monetarista del neoliberalismo en su versión del FMI y del Banco Mundial, y que proponen la recuperación del Estado para provocar una redistribución del ingreso en beneficio de obra pública, inclusión social y redistribución del ingreso. Sin embargo, estos gobiernos llevan adelante políticas de extractivismo que implican la desposesión de territorios con la consecuente criminalización social. En consecuencia, es necesario una deconstrucción teórica y epistémica del concepto de "posneoliberalismo" y otorgarle mayor espesor teórico para evitar su utilización ideológica que encubre la violencia de la acumulación por desposesión.

With the ebbing of the pink tide, the MAS government in Bolivia remains as one of the most successful leftist governments that had been elected throughout Latin America since the late 1990s. In order to better understand this surprising success story, this paper analyses the political economy of the post-neoliberal model that has taken shape under MAS rule. More specifically, it looks at the interaction between the strategic orientation and the specific features of economic policy-making in Bolivia, on the one hand, and the evolving relationship of the MAS government with the country's economic elites, on the other. The paper argues that Bolivia's specific version of post-neoliberalism has facilitated increasingly cooperative relations between the government and economic elites, while the latter have themselves contributed to the consolidation of the former. At the same time, the analysis of the political economy of Bolivian post-neoliberalism also reveals its inherent fragility. Resumen: La economía política del postneoliberalismo boliviano: Política, elites y el gobierno MASCon el flujo de la marea rosa, el gobierno del MAS en Bolivia sigue siendo uno de los gobiernos izquierdistas elegidos más exitosos de toda América Latina desde finales de los años noventa. Para comprender mejor esta sorprendente historia de éxito, este artículo analiza la economía política del modelo post-neoliberal que ha tomado forma bajo el gobierno del MAS. Más específicamente, analiza la interacción entre la orientación estratégica y las características específicas de la formulación de políticas económicas en Bolivia, por un lado, y la relación en evolución del gobierno del MAS con las élites económicas del país, por otro. Se argumenta que la versión específica del post-neoliberalismo de Bolivia ha facilitado relaciones cada vez más cooperativas entre el gobierno y las élites económicas, quienes han contribuido a la consolidación de las primeras. Al mismo tiempo, el análisis de la economía política del posneoliberalismo boliviano también revela su fragilidad inherente.

The neoliberal globalization drives the social, economic, cultural, and ideological worldwide processes in the 21st century, which takes precedence to the division of each nation, community, region, and the pattern of thinking, including the constructions of walls, huge numbers of refugee and emigrations, and many conflict and terrorist activities. According to a 2019 Oxfam's report, a new billionaire is created every two days and the world's 26 richest people own as much as the poorest 50 percent. By making this polarization and inequality escalate, neoliberal globalization has fueled the chronic problem of overaccumulation and militarization. This article focuses on the present of neoliberal globalization under the Covid-19 pandemic. It entails a critical reconsideration of modern capitalism, which now brings deep misery to human history, including poverty, refugees, immigration, transnational crimes, climate change and pandemic. Furthermore, fundamental human rights are violated as a consequence of the utter control of the market, competition, and deregulation by multinational companies. ; La globalización neoliberal impulsa los procesos sociales, económicos, culturales e ideológicos en todo el mundo en el siglo XXI, lo que precede a la división de cada nación, comunidad, región y el patrón de pensamiento, incluida la construcción de muros, un gran número de refugiados y emigraciones, y muchos conflictos y actividades terroristas. Según el informe de Oxfam de 2019, se crea un nuevo multimillonario cada dos días y las 26 personas más ricas del mundo poseen tanto como el 50% más pobre. Al aumentar esta polarización y desigualdad, la globalización neoliberal alimentó el problema crónico de la sobreacumulación y la militarización. Este artículo se centra en el presente de la globalización neoliberal bajo la pandemia del Covid-19. Significa una reconsideración crítica del capitalismo moderno que trae ahora una profunda miseria a la historia de la humanidad, lo que incluiye la pobreza, los refugiados, la inmigración, los crímenes transnacionales, el cambio climático y la pandemia. Además, se violan los derechos humanos fundamentales como consecuencia del control supremo del mercado, la competencia y la desregulación por parte de las empresas multinacionales.

La globalización neoliberal impulsa los procesos sociales, económicos, culturales e ideológicos en todo el mundo en el siglo XXI, lo que precede a la división de cada nación, comunidad, región y el patrón de pensamiento, incluida la construcción de muros, un gran número de refugiados y emigraciones, y muchos conflictos y actividades terroristas. Según el informe de Oxfam de 2019, se crea un nuevo multimillonario cada dos días y las 26 personas más ricas del mundo poseen tanto como el 50% más pobre. Al aumentar esta polarización y desigualdad, la globalización neoliberal alimentó el problema crónico de la sobreacumulación y la militarización. Este artículo se centra en el presente de la globalización neoliberal bajo la pandemia del Covid-19. Significa una reconsideración crítica del capitalismo moderno que trae ahora una profunda miseria a la historia de la humanidad, lo que incluiye la pobreza, los refugiados, la inmigración, los crímenes transnacionales, el cambio climático y la pandemia. Además, se violan los derechos humanos fundamentales como consecuencia del control supremo del mercado, la competencia y la desregulación por parte de las empresas multinacionales. ; The neoliberal globalization drives the social, economic, cultural, and ideological worldwide processes in the 21st century, which takes precedence to the division of each nation, community, region, and the pattern of thinking, including the constructions of walls, huge numbers of refugee and emigrations, and many conflict and terrorist activities. According to a 2019 Oxfam's report, a new billionaire is created every two days and the world's 26 richest people own as much as the poorest 50 percent. By making this polarization and inequality escalate, neoliberal globalization has fueled the chronic problem of overaccumulation and militarization. This article focuses on the present of neoliberal globalization under the Covid-19 pandem-ic. It entails a critical reconsideration of modern capitalism, which now brings deep misery to human history, including poverty, refugees, immigration, transnational crimes, climate change and pandemic. Furthermore, fundamental human rights are violated as a consequence of the utter control of the market, competition, and deregulation by multinational companies. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

Benefitting from the commodity boom progressive governments across South America have sought to move away from the neoliberal policies adopted previously by strengthening the role of the state and using revenues from commodity exports to address social concerns. This approach, often called neo-extractivism, has become the main development strategy over the past 15 years. Yet, the increasingly intensive and extensive natural resource exploitation underlying this development strategy has also led to multiple protests and contestations across South America. This paper thus examines the relationship between neo-extractivism as a development strategy and the quality of democracy under progressive governments in South America. On the one hand, neo-extractivism has allowed states to become more inclusive by paying attention to social concerns which in turn has been an important element in the legitimacy of progressive governments. On the other hand, the reliance on neo-extractivism as the main development strategy poses important constraints on the ability of post-neoliberal states to build more substantive democracies which could take into account a variety of positions, give citizens a say in decisions directly affecting their livelihoods and promote public debates on key questions confronting society.

Each practical action in rural areas should be based on a comprehensive, new, and innovative theoretical paradigm. For nearly three decades, the global economic system has embraced rural entrepreneurship as a "productive" and innovative strategy in rural development in many countries, including both underdeveloped and developed countries. At present, we have large companies, which due to government development interventions, are replaced with small- and medium-sized businesses under inflexible and extreme entrepreneurialism. The purpose of this conceptual paper is to shed light on the prevailing entrepreneurship practice and discourse, criticize them, and finally introduce a new paradigm known as "paradigm of rural prosperity" (PRP). In this work, Aram Ziai's theory of skeptical post-development was used, along with Campbell Jones and André Spicer's critical theory of entrepreneurship and Rosenqvist's theory of the conceptualization of rurality and rural environment called "hermeneutical realism". The present paper attempts to base the paradigm of rural prosperity on three pillars of analysis and explanation: (a) rural embodiment, (b) neoliberalism, and (c) concept of sustainability. Although some case studies in Iran have been used as empirical evidence, this paper argues that the paradigm of rural prosperity is universal in nature and can be used in any geographical and cultural context to provide new rural development.

Durante la última década, América Latina -y particularmente Sudamérica- ha sido el terreno de disputa y resistencia a la hegemonía del neo-liberalismo, de la mano de gobiernos y movimientos sociales. Muchos autores han afirmado que se trata de un viraje hacia la izquierda de los latinoamericanos como reflejo de la frustración con el fracaso del modelo neo-liberal que marcó las décadas precedentes. Este trabajo explora algunas de las políticas superadoras del neo-liberalismo que han sido o están siendo implementadas en la región y examina la emergencia de un nuevo modelo denominado 'post-neoliberal'. Se argumenta que mientras los gobiernos llamados post-neoliberales han mostrado una mayor "sensibilidad social" aún se observa en muchos países cierta continuidad de la doctrina neoliberal y de las estructuras de poder que reproducen la exclusión social y la desigualdad. El "postneoliberalismo" se trata todavía de una búsqueda inacabada." ; During the last decade, Latin America –and particularly South America– has been the terrain of dispute and resistance to the hegemony of neo-liberalism by different governments and social movements. New winds are blowing and, some argue, there has been a 'left turn' in the hearts and minds of Latin Americans as a sign of frustration with the failures of the neoliberal model that marked previous decades. This work explores some of the policies that transcend neoliberalism and have been or are being implemented in the region. The work scrutinizes the emergence of a new post-neoliberal model arguing that while the so-called post-neoliberal governments have shown more 'social sensitivity', there is, in many countries, a continuation of the neoliberal doctrine and the power structures that reproduce social exclusion and inequality. 'Post-neoliberalism' in Latin America is, thus, yet an unconcluded quest. ; Publicado en la sección "Estudio 1". ; Instituto de Integración Latinoamericana

El discurso correísta y su accionar gubernamental está analizado en sus fundamentos históricos e ideológicos esenciales y en los conflictos relacionados con el quehacer gubernamental en lo económico, lo comunicacional, lo socio-cultural y lo legislativo.

During the last decade, Latin America – and particularly South America – has been the terrain of dispute and resistance to the hegemony of neo-liberalism by different governments and social movements. New winds are blowing and, some argue, there has been a 'left turn' in the hearts and minds of Latin Americans as a sign of frustration with the failures of the neoliberal model that marked previous decades. This work explores some of the policies that transcend neoliberalism and have been or are being implemented in the region. The work scrutinizes the emergence of a new post-neoliberal model arguing that while the so-called post-neoliberal governments have shown more 'social sensitivity', there is, in many countries, a continuation of the neoliberal doctrine and the power structures that reproduce social exclusion and inequality. 'Post- neoliberalism' in Latin America is, thus, yet an unconcluded quest. ; Durante la última década, América Latina - y particularmente Sudamérica - ha sido el terreno de disputa y resistencia a la hegemonía del neo-liberalismo, de la mano de gobiernos y movimientos sociales. Muchos autores han afirmado que se trata de un viraje hacia la izquierda de los latinoamericanos como reflejo de la frustración con el fracaso del modelo neo-liberal que marcó las décadas precedentes. Este trabajo explora algunas de las políticas superadoras del neo-liberalismo que han sido o están siendo implementadas en la región y examina la emergencia de un nuevo modelo denominado 'post-neoliberal'. Se argumenta que mientras los gobiernos llamados post-neoliberales han mostrado una mayor "sensibilidad social" aún se observa en muchos países cierta continuidad de la doctrina neoliberal y de las estructuras de poder que reproducen la exclusión social y la desigualdad. El "post-neoliberalismo" se trata todavía de una búsqueda inacabada.

This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, neoextractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes –de la cual una parte se redistribuye– y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región.

This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, neoex- tractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes de la cual una parte se redistribuye y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región.

Este trabajo reflexiona sobre la realidad sociopolítica sudamericana actual teniendo en cuenta tres categorías interrelacionadas: (pos)neoliberalismo, populismo, tractivismo. Señala que la configuración de liderazgos populistas es apenas uno de los aspectos para comprender una etapa posneoliberal signada por un crecimiento económico fuertemente dependiente de prácticas neoextractivistas que llevan a una producción de renta a partir de los bienes comunes –de la cual una parte se redistribuye– y de formas de subjetivación y de gestión influenciadas por la racionalidad gubernamental neoliberal. De allí el carácter precario y ambivalente de los procesos de transformación impulsados por los gobiernos "progresistas" de la región. ; This paper reflects on present-day South-American sociopolitical reality through three intertwined notions: (post)neoliberalism, populism, and neo-extractivism. It points that the configuration of populist leaderships is merely one of the features to understand the post-neoliberal stage, which is characterized by economic growth heavily dependent upon neo-extractivistic practices that lead to a production of rent from common goods, a part of which is destined to redistribution of income, and by forms of subjectivation and management which are influenced by neoliberal governmental rationality. Therefrom derive the precariousness and ambivalence of the transformations that have been driven by South-American "progressive" governments. ; Fil: Saidel, Matías Leandro. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Santa Fe; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Entre Ríos. Facultad de Trabajo Social; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario; Argentina

This article examines how the labor conditions of nurses in Nicaragua have evolved through twenty-five years of health care policy and regime transition, focusing on the period since the return to power in 2007 of the Frente Sandinista de la Liberación Nacional (FSLN). I ask whether the deterioration in nurses' work-related well-being that were imposed by neoliberal health care restructuring have been redressed by the FSLN. I connect findings from interviews and focus groups with over fifty nurses to long-standing patterns in the gendering of care work, as well as the Sandinista track record in exploiting these patterns. Also relevant is the FSLN's mutual antagonism with feminist movements and its incremental but pronounced turn toward a regressive stance on gender equality. Finally, a steady drift toward authoritarianism by the FSLN government constrains the capacity for nurses to collectively assert their interests as workers and professionals. Resumen Este artículo examina la evolución de las condiciones laborales de las enfermeras nicaragüenses durante 25 años de políticas de salud y de transiciones del gobierno, con un enfoque principal sobre el período después del retorno al poder del Frente Sandinista para la Liberación Nacional (FSLN) en 2007. De interés particular son los deterios de las condiciones y el bienestar de las enfermeras a raíz de la reestructuración neoliberal en la salud. Se indaga hasta qué medida estos han sido abordados por el FSLN. Al presentar los hallazgos de entrevistas y grupos de enfoque con más de 50 enfermeras, se examina cómo la falta de mejoramiento en su situación está relacionada con patrones de larga trayectoria en la relación género y trabajo de cuido, y con la tendencia de los sandinistas de explotar estos patrones. De relevancia también es el antagonismo mutuo entre el FSLN y los movimientos feministas, y el paulatino pero marcado rechazo de parte del FSLN hacia la equidad de género. Por fin, la gradual deriva del gobierno del FSLN hacia el autoritarismo restringe la capacidad de las enfermeras de reclamar colectivamente sus intereses como trabajadores y profesionales.