Suchergebnisse

In the two to five years immediately following end of conflicts, UN peacekeeping operations have succeeded in maintaining peace, while income and consumption growth rates have been higher than normal and recovery on key education and health indicators has been possible. Aid also has been super-effective in promoting recovery, not only by financing physical infrastructure but also by helping in the monetary reconstruction of postconflict economies. However, sustaining these short-term gains was met with two difficult challenges. First, long-term sustainability of peace and growth hinges primarily on the ability of postconflict societies to develop institutions for the delivery of public goods, which, in turn, depends on the capacity of post-conflict elites to overcome an entrenched culture of political fragmentation and form stable national coalitions, beyond their immediate ethnic or regional power bases. Second, after catch-up growth runs its course, high levels of aid could lead to overvalued real currencies, at a time when growth requires a competitive exchange rate and economic diversification. Successful peace-building would, therefore, require that these political and economic imperatives of postconflict transitions be accounted for in the design of UN peacekeeping operations as well as the aid regime.

During civil wars governments typically resort to inflation to raise revenue. A model of this phenomenon is presented, estimated, and applied to the choices and constraints faced during the postconflict period. The results show that far from there being a fiscal peace dividend, postconflict governments tend to face even more pressing needs after than during war. As a result, in the absence of postconflict aid, inflation increases sharply, frustrating a more general monetary recovery. Aid decisively transforms the path of monetary variables in the postconflict period, enabling the economy to regain peacetime characteristics. Postconflict aid thus achieves a monetary "reconstruction" analogous to its more evident role in infrastructure.

After more than a decade of experience and research on financing arrangements in post conflict countries and fragile states, a consensus has emerged on at least one matter. The core objective is to build effective and legitimate governance structures that secure public confidence through provision of personal security, equal justice and the rule of law, economic well-being, and essential social services including education and health. These governance structures are necessary to ensure that countries do not turn, or turn back, to violence as a means of negotiating state-societal relations. This paper discusses a number of the weaknesses in current financing arrangements for post conflict countries and fragile states, with a focus on Official Development Assistance (ODA). We argue that tensions persist between business-as-usual development policies on the one hand and policies responsive to the demands of peace building on the other. The preferential allocation of aid to 'good performers,' in the name of maximizing its payoff in terms of economic growth, militates against aid to fragile and conflict-affected states. If the aim of aid is redefined to include durable peace, the conventional performance criteria for aid allocation lose much of their force. Compelling arguments can be made for assistance to 'poor performers' if this can help to prevent conflict. Yet the difficulties that initially prompted donors to become more selective in aid allocation remain all too real. Experience has shown that aid can exacerbate problems rather than solving them.

Building a capable public service is fundamental to postconflict state building. Yet in postconflict settings, short-term pressures often conflict with this longer-term objective. To ensure peace and stabilize fragile coalitions, the imperative for political elites to hand out public jobs and better pay to constituents dominates merit. Donor-financed projects that rely on technical assistants and parallel structures, rather than on government systems, are often the primary vehicle for meeting pressing service delivery needs. What, then, is a workable approach to rebuilding public services postconflict? Paths between Peace and Public Service seeks to answer this question by comparing public service reform trajectories in five countries—Afghanistan, Liberia, Sierra Leone, South Sudan, and Timor-Leste—in the aftermath of conflict. The study seeks to explain these countries' different trajectories through process tracing and structured, focused methods of comparative analysis. To reconstruct reform trajectories, the report draws on more than 200 interviews conducted with government officials and other stakeholders, as well as administrative data. The study analyzes how reform trajectories are influenced by elite bargains and highlights their path dependency, shaped by preconflict legacies and the specifics of the conflict period. As the first systematic study on postconflict public service reforms, it identifies lessons for the future engagement of development partners in building public services.

With the signing of the Peace Agreement between the national government of Colombia and the then Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) in 2016, a post-conflict scenario begins in Colombia, characterized by a series of challenges and the need for input from various actors, including the business sector. The objective of this article is to explore and analyze the practices and actions that companies can carry out to contribute to the construction of peace. To this end, an exploratory research was carried out with a documentary design divided into two phases, on the one hand, a review of the literature on peacebuilding business practices, and on the other, a documentary analysis on guides and peacebuilding proposals from national and international organizations. The results suggest that the companies support the construction of peace mainly from CSR practices and shared value oriented to economic development. This corresponds to the guidelines of national and international organizations that are geared towards generating jobs and entrepreneurship projects. ; Con la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre el Gobierno nacional de Colombia y las entonces Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) en el 2016, inicia en Colombia un escenario de postconflicto, caracterizado por una serie de desafíos y la necesidad del aporte de diversos actores, entre ellos el del sector empresarial. El objetivo del presente artículo es explorar y analizar las prácticas y acciones que pueden realizar las empresas para contribuir a la construcción de paz. Para ello se realizó una investigación exploratoria con un diseño documental dividido en dos fases, por una parte, una revisión de la literatura sobre prácticas empresariales de construcción de paz y, por otra parte, un análisis documental sobre guías y propuestas de construcción de paz de organismos nacionales e internacionales. Los resultados sugieren que las empresas apoyan la construcción de paz principalmente desde prácticas de RSE y valor compartido orientadas al desarrollo económico. Ello corresponde con las guías de organismos nacionales e internacionales que se orientan a la generación de empleos y proyectos de emprendimiento.

Postconflict societies such as El Salvador, surpassing 25 years of relative peace since signing the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Accords, have employed many mechanisms to rebuild and establish lasting peace. This study explores the impacts of four types of deliberative democracy mechanisms employed in this postconflict context to build grassroots participation in public policy-making: cabildos abiertos (open town hall meetings), asociaciones de desarrollo comunitario (community development associations), presupuestos participativos (participatory budgeting), and planes estratégicos participativos (participatory strategic plans). Findings suggest that individual participation in these forms of deliberative democracy implemented in postconflict El Salvador is associated with increased trust in local government. However, participation is also associated with higher levels of direct experience with personal violence and decreased satisfaction with one's community. Findings suggest that implementing participatory deliberative democracy mechanisms in postconflict contexts is not alone enough to address the critiques of top-down liberal peacebuilding. Participatory forums for policy-making in postwar contexts should be designed and employed with conflict dynamics in mind to foster possible positive effects of deliberative democracy while mitigating potential negative effects on peacebuilding.

In a postconflict context, education for peace is closely linked with educationfor citizen participation. We are not making a generic reference towards education fordemocracy and deliberation, but a call about concrete practices that allow the constructionof agreements between people traditionally exclude. This document reclaims, since differentperspectives that education for democracy acquires a deep sense in the realm of peacebuilding, when it is focused as an education about practical reasoning and moral deliberation. ; La educación para la paz, en el contexto del pos acuerdo colombiano, estáestrechamente relacionada con la educación para la participación. No se trata delllamado genérico por la educación democrática y deliberativa, sino de la prioridad quetiene fomentar prácticas concretas que permitan la construcción de acuerdos entre genteque ha sido tradicionalmente excluida. El presente documento recupera, desde distintasperspectivas, la idea según la cual la educación para la democracia adquiere un sentidoprofundo en la construcción de la paz cuando se enfoca como una educación en el razonamiento práctico, el reconocimiento de la diversidad cultural y la deliberación moral.

Objetivo. Reflexionar sobre las relaciones entre el arte, la discapacidad y posconflicto colombiano, ateniendo a las intervenciones gubernamentales, de académicos de diversas disciplinas y a las memorias de las víctimas. Metodología. Para ello se realiza un análisis crítico de la literatura y se profundiza en el arte como camino para la construcción de la paz al apoyar los procesos de rehabilitación individual y colectiva y abrir espacios de creación, expresión y construcción de nuevos imaginarios. Resultados y Conclusiones. El trabajo logra establecer como la intervención artística en los procesos de transformación social aportan experiencias reflexivas, transformadoras y de proyección para los individuos y las comunidades. ; Objective. To reflect on the relationship between art, disability and the Colombian post-conflict, sticking to government interventions of various academic disciplines and the memories of the victims. Methodology. To reach the objective, critical analysis of the literature is made which explores art as a way to build peace by supporting individual and collective rehabilitation processes and opening spaces for creation, expression and the construction of a new imaginary. Results and Conclusions. The work can establish how artistic intervention in the processes of social transformation provides reflective, transforming and projection experiences for individuals and communities.

Postconflict societies such as El Salvador, surpassing 25 years of relative peace since signing the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Accords, have employed many mechanisms to rebuild and establish lasting peace. This study explores the impacts of four types of deliberative democracy mechanisms employed in this postconflict context to build grassroots participation in public policy-making: cabildos abiertos (open town hall meetings), asociaciones de desarrollo comunitario (community development associations), presupuestos participativos (participatory budgeting), and planes estratégicos participativos (participatory strategic plans). Findings suggest that individual participation in these forms of deliberative democracy implemented in postconflict El Salvador is associated with increased trust in local government. However, participation is also associated with higher levels of direct experience with personal violence and decreased satisfaction with one's community. Findings suggest that implementing participatory deliberative democracy mechanisms in postconflict contexts is not alone enough to address the critiques of top-down liberal peacebuilding. Participatory forums for policy-making in postwar contexts should be designed and employed with conflict dynamics in mind to foster possible positive effects of deliberative democracy while mitigating potential negative effects on peacebuilding.

It is intuitive to view peace and war as inherently opposite categories. Peace is routinely defined as the freedom from organised collective violence, or as the 'absence of war'. Conversely, war is generally conceived either in Clausewitzian terms as organised violence to achieve political ends or as a moral or legal condition defining the permissible limits of organised violence. And yet, one of the founding tenets of contemporary peace and conflict studies has been to reject this binary 'negative' concept of peace as merely the 'absence of war' by asserting a positive concept of peace that refers to consensual values and the 'integration of human society'. The enduring aspiration of how to achieve peace can be summed up with the phrase 'peace through peaceful means'. While the field has remained normatively grounded on sustaining a prohibition on the resort to violence—peace through peaceful means—it has also grappled with questions of how, how much or in what way, military force ought to be deployed in contemporary challenges such as humanitarian interventions, complex emergencies and stabilising postconflict societies. Strategic and security studies have also been grappling with a widening (issues) and deepening (agency) security agenda which has opened up questions about the utility of force to respond to so-called non-conventional threats and in responding to non-state actors. Both fields of scholarship have utilised the concept of hybridity in their efforts to understand the blurred lines between peace, war and across a range of challenges in contemporary world politics.

Las negociaciones de paz del Gobierno colombiano con las denominadas Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) podrían tener efectos sobre la economía colombiana. Por ello se esbozan tres escenarios –pesimista, neutral y optimista– en los que se distingan sus efectos en el ámbito financiero y de comercio internacional en los cinco años posteriores a la finalización del proceso de negociación. Partiendo del estudio de caso en cinco países que enfrentaron la terminación de un conflicto interno, ya fuera por vía militar o diplomática, se analizan variables sobre las cuales se podría prever un efecto teniendo en cuenta el posconflicto y el desenlace de las negociaciones de paz entre la guerrilla y el gobierno. Se concluye que la balanza de bienes y servicios crecería entre el 3 y 6 % en los cinco años posteriores a la firma del acuerdo; el comercio lo haría entre 10 y 15 %; el riesgo país se incrementaría alrededor de 4 puntos; la inversión extranjera directa (IED) aumentaría entre 40 y 50 %; el crecimiento del PIB anual estaría 1 o 2 puntos porcentuales por encima del actual y el gasto militar disminuiría al 10 % como porcentaje del PIB. ; The government peace negotiations with the so-called Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) could have an impact on the Colombian economy, being relevant to analyze such effects. Therefore three possible scenarios to financial and international trade level for a period of five years, compared to the possible outcomes of the negotiation process are outlined. From case studies in five countries faced the completion of an internal conflict, military or diplomatic channels, variables were analyzed on which could provide an effect, taking into account the post-conflict and outcome of peace negotiations between the guerrillas and the government. It is concluded that in the five years after signing the agreement, the balance of goods and services would grow between 3% and 6%; would trade between 10% and 15% greater; country risk would rise about 4 points; Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) would increase between 40% and 50%; annual GDP growth would be 1 or 2 percentage points higher than the current and military spending would decrease 10% as a percentage of GDP.

The analysis of policy implementation in the context of Colombian post-conflict allow us to consider the role of local governments as a key actor of peace building dynamics, in particularly become relevant to analyze the synergy between governance and governability taking into account the institutional capacity, citizen participation and the communities 'empowerment in local public action. Therefore, it is consistent to examine what are the perspective and prospective for the territorialisation of post-conflict public policies? What the territorial actors understand by governance in the context of peace agreement implementation? What are the main dilemmas of policy implementation from the local governments? ; El análisis de la implementación de las políticas públicas en el marco del posconflicto colombiano sugiere una serie de reflexiones en torno al papel de los gobiernos locales como actor central en la consolidación de las dinámicas de construcción de paz. Factores como la capacidad institucional, la participación ciudadana, el empoderamiento de las comunidades en la acción pública a nivel local permiten dar cuenta de una sinergia entre la gobernabilidad y la gobernanza. Por ello, cabe cuestionarse sobre ¿Cuáles son las perspectivas y prospectivas de la territorialización de las políticas públicas para el posconflicto? ¿Qué se entiende por Gobernanza en las acciones territoriales en el marco de la implementación de los acuerdos de paz? ¿Cuáles son los principales dilemas de la implementación de las políticas desde los gobiernos locales?

Abstract Since the inception of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) in 2000, feminist academia has been closely interested in the developing women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda in international affairs. The majority of this work has emerged from within feminist international relations (Mcleod 2015; Shepherd 2008) and feminist legal studies. Less attention has been paid to the WPS agenda by feminist political science. As a result, less consideration has been given to political institutions within the WPS framework. This paper argues that the design and implementation of postconflict political institutions is an important component of the WPS agenda and one which deserves greater attention. It demonstrates that using certain tenets of feminist political science, and feminist institutionalism in particular, can offer key insights into greater understanding of the importance of political institutions within postconflict societies. The article illustrates how political institutions have been underconsidered within academic work on the WPS agenda. It then argues that political institutions are an important part of the puzzle when it comes to implementing the WPS agenda. It shows how feminist institutional theory can help to provide key insights into the nature of postconflict institutions.

The peace accord of 2016 was received with substantial indifference by a large part of the Colombian population. This article suggests that indifference relates to fractures in Colombian Society. Four theses against indifference are put forward: (i) the limitations of the peace accord do not eliminate its potential for change; (ii) pressure from the civil society and the public can hold those in power accountable for the realisation of the peace accord; (iii) the civil society and the public can appropriate the peace process and influence peacebuilding; (iv) peacebuilding is the opportunity not only to build peace, but to newly shape a more diverse, inclusive, democratic, dignifying and environmentally-conscious Colombia.

The peace agreement of 2016 was received with substantial indifference by a large part of the Colombian population. This article suggests that the aforementioned indifference is related to rooted fractures in the Colombian Society. Four thesis against indifference are put as follows: (i) the limitations of the peace agreement do not alter its potential for change; (ii) pressure from the civil society and the public can hold those in power accountable for the realisation of the peace agreement; (iii) the civil society and the public can appropriate the peace process and have a positive incidence in the peacebuilding; (iv) peacebuilding is the opportunity of not only to build peace, but also to newly shape a more diverse, inclusive, democratic, dignifying and environmentally-conscious Colombia. ; El acuerdo de paz del 2016 fue recibido con indiferencia por gran parte de la población colombiana, con ello en mente, el presente texto sugiere que la indiferencia tiene que ver con fracturas estructurales en la sociedad. Se presentan cuatro tesis contra la indiferencia: (a) las limitaciones del acuerdo de paz no eliminan su potencial de generar cambio; (b) la presión de la sociedad civil puede responsabilizar a los que están en poder por la realización del acuerdo de paz; (c) la sociedad civil puede apropiarse del proceso de paz e influir en su construcción; (d) la construcción de la paz es una oportunidad para dar forma a un país más diverso, inclusivo, democrático, digno y ambientalmente consciente.